The Rushton Report
A study and analysis of the rise of right-wing politics and attitudes
in the FRG over two decades.
by
Contents
5.0 Militant Groups 5.1 The The
skinhead movement began in Britain in the late 1960s,
in response to the homeless, hippies and the growing number of
foreigners entering Britain from the Commonwealth. These
original Skinheads or "Skins" meted out their violence at, or
in the vicinity of, football matches and concerts. However, in
1977 a new breed of Skinhead came into existence. The dress
code was the same as before: namely the closely cropped hair,
tattoos, jeans, braces, Doc-Martens boots, bomber jackets, and
T-shirts. This time, though, the "Skins" were much more
politically active and developed and nurtured links with
British right-wing parties. This new generation of Skinhead
soon spread its ideas abroad, principally to the USA, Italy,
Austria, France and also Germany.
Originally, the movement in Germany attacked left-winger
and foreigners, principally Turks. In the mid-80s, the
Skinhead movement in Germany expanded and violence at football
matches increased. After unification, the "Skins" gained
support in the former East-German states. In 1993 the Office
for the Protection of the Constitution estimated there to be
about 5,600 militant skinheads active in Germany, compared
with 6,400 in 1992, the majority of whom were aged about 20.
According to 1991 statistics, women (called Renees) accounted
for only 3% of the movement (just over 150 people). These,
incidentally, are not required to shave off all of their hair:
only a bit at the back of the head.
Not all "Skins" fall into the category of right-wing
extremists: some groups, such as the Red-Skins or SHARP-Skins
(Skinheads Against Racial Prejudice), even defend the rights
of foreigners. In an interview published in The Guardian
Education, a 24 year old Berliner and SHARP-member, Martin F.,
replied to the question "How should the State react to the
racist attacks?":
"The problem is the people who cause the trouble, the radical
right-wingers. But the parties that we have now will not solve
this problem. When I hear that the right-wingers from Rostock
are only in jail for two months it makes my skin creep. Such
people should not be judged as criminals but as political
criminals. Then the punishment would be more severe. The
neo-Nazis will continue whilst they have no fear of stricter
penalties."<26>
However, those groups which are right-wing are
exceptionally so, with ingrained Machiavellian instincts. Such
groups are the so-called "Nazi-Skins"; "Fascho-Skins";
"White-Power-Skins" or "Boneheads". In their propaganda, these
groups use Nazi-symbols, such as the Swastika, and slogans,
such as Sieg heil!. Propaganda is also spread in the lyrics
of Skinhead music groups, such as Stoerkraft and Radikahl. The
English band Skrewdriver is also popular in Germany. Their
songs are passed around the Skinheads groups on "demo
cassettes", because of the cost of producing them, although
some of the better-known bands are able to have records and
compact disks produced.
According to the 1993 report of the Office for the
Protection of the Constitution, many Skinheads are adopting a
more traditional appearance to avoid retaliation from the
foreigners themselves, left-wing extremists, the police and
employers.
5.2 Neo-Nazi Groups According to the reports of the Office for the Protection
of the Constitution, the membership of neo-Nazi groups stood
at 400 in 1975, but rose to 1,400 in 1979. The numbers then
declined until 1983, when there was slow increase in
membership, peaking at 2,100 in 1989 and again in 1991. Such
statistics reflect the banning of one group and the founding
of another, attracting more members. The peaks in membership
seem to be during periods when there were large numbers of
neo-Nazi incidents: the 1979 peak was followed in August 1980
by a fire-bomb attack, which killed two Vietnamese and injured
two Ethiopians and in September 1980 by the bomb at the
Oktoberfest.
However, according to the Infiltration Report of the
Simon Wiesenthal Center, the Government figures for membership
of neo-Nazi groups are underestimated:
" 1. The Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, run by
notorious neo-Nazi Friedhelm Busse, is estimated by the Office
for Protection of the Constitution at 150 members. Yet while
ingratiating himself with Busse, Ron Furey [the investigator]
was shown Busse's list - 980 members. Busse even claims he
has thrown out another 150 for alcoholism.
2. While the government estimates that another group, the
Nationale Offensive, has 100 members, Ron Furey found out that
the Dresden area cell alone has 150.
3. Meinolf Schoenborn's "Nationalistic Front," which is also
banned, is estimated at 130 members. Schoenborn claims an
infrastructure of 8,600. Even if Schoenborn is overdoing it,
it is apparent from information obtained through an interview
between Ron Furey and Schoenborn that the 130 figure is overly
conservative."<27>
The chairman of the recently banned neo-Nazi group the
FAP, Friedhelm Busse, described by the Simon Wiesenthal
Center's Report as someone with "particular power with German
skinheads" and "an advocate of overthrowing the government"28,
expressed the policy of his party at an extraordinary party
conference in Reifenstein/Thueringen on 10th July 1993:
"The aim of the Party is to take total control over Germany.
Should this happen, there will be no concentration camps, but
work-camps, where the enemies of the German people, and above
all foreigners, will carry out useful work. "Enemies" of the
Party, such as police chiefs who have banned events of the
FAP, or newspaper publishers, such as the publisher of "Bild",
who stir up hatred against the right-wing parties and their
take-over of power, can reckon on being shot."<29>
Such rhetoric is specifically engineered to be reminiscent of
the Third Reich. The reference to work-camps instead of
concentration camps is an exact copy of Nazi rhetoric: the
NSDAP fooled the population as a whole into believing that
there were no extermination camps. Therefore, it is clear that
the policies of such a group advocate the use of Hitler's
style of Machtpolitik, or power politics, as do other
organisations, such as the Nationale Liste (NL). Similarly,
they want the German borders of the Prussian Empire, as
demonstrated recently by increased neo-Nazi activity in the
Russian town of Kaliningrad, formerly the East-Prussian
town of Koenigsberg. A publisher from Schleswig-Holstein is
believed to be behind a neo-Nazi organisation calling itself
Aktion Deutsches Koenigsberg.
The neo-Nazis have strong international connections with
Historical Revisionists, as was proven during the Simon
Wiesenthal Center's operation:
"1. The Center attached an answering machine to a cold line
announcing to any potential caller that he or she had reached
The (fictional magazine) Right Way. This was done to provide
credibility to Ron Furey's cover should anyone decide to check
up on his persona as a journalist.
On Friday, February 12, 1993, that phone rang - it was
Mark Weber of the
Institute for Historical Review, the
notorious organization dedicated to the proposition that the
gas chambers of Auschwitz are a myth. He had called to obtain
a copy of The Right Way. Now, the only people who knew that
number were Ron Furey, the Center's senior research staff, and
the neo-Nazis in Germany to whom it had been given.
Furthermore, several of these people claimed to know Weber
quite well."<30>
6.0 Historical Revisionism This is a prolific school of thought which generates
numerous articles denying the Holocaust. In 1976
Arthur Butz published his Revisionist work entitled The Hoax Of The
Twentieth Century. This work, according to Wilkinson:
"... attempts to represent itself as a serious work of
scholarship, complete with the academic apparatus of
footnotes, bibliography, and references to respected
historians of the Holocaust, such as Lucy Dawidowicz and
Gerald Reitlinger."<31>
It marked the start of a new style of Historical Revisionism,
a style taken up by others, such as
David Irving in his book
Hitler's War.
Perhaps the most infamous Revisionist article is the
Leuchter Report of 1988, after its author,
Fred A. Leuchter,
although this report is considered by historians to be based
upon little or no facts whatsoever. Indeed, Leuchter concedes
that hydrocyanic compounds, caused by the extremely poisonous
chemical
hydrogen cyanide (HCN) reacting with the
infrastructure of the gas chambers, were to be found at
Auschwitz.
However, modern advances in communications have enabled
the Revisionists, and indeed, the neo-Nazis, to spread their
message to a wider audience. There is at least one discussion
group on the Internet, where Revisionists try to peddle their
ideas and beliefs, although these are frequently shattered by
historians quoting hard facts.
One article recently published in the "alt.revisionism"
newsgroup of the Internet is an article on "Revisionist
Method", taken from Pierre Vidal-Naquet's book Assassins of
Memory (Columbia University Press, 1992). It states that:
"The principles of revisionist method can in fact be
summarized as follows:
1. Any direct testimony contributed by a Jew is either a lie
or a fantasy.
2. Any testimony or document prior to the Liberation is a
forgery or is not acknowledged or is treated as a "rumor."
[...]
3. Any document, in general, with firsthand information
concerning the methods of the Nazis is a forgery or has been
tampered with. [...]
4. Any Nazi document bearing direct testimony is taken at
face value if it is written in coded language, but
unacknowledged (or underinterpreted) if it is written
plainly. [...]
5. Any Nazi testimony after the end of the year--in trials
either in the West, in Warsaw or Cologne, Jerusalem or
Nuremberg, in 1945 or 1963, is considered as having been
obtained under torture or by intimidation.....
6. A vast pseudotechnical arsenal is mobilized to
demonstrate the material impossibility of mass gassings.....
7. Formerly, God's existence was proven by the notion that
the existence was contained in the very concept of God. Such
was the famous 'ontological proof.' It may be said that for
the 'revisionists,' the gas chambers did not exist because
nonexistence was one of their attributes. Such is the
nonontological proof. [...]
8. Finally, anything capable of rendering this frightening
story acceptable or believable, of establishing its evolution
or furnishing terms for comparison is either unacknowledged or
falsified. [...]
Point number seven in the above list is undoubtedly the
most interesting, proffering a seemingly garbled argument for
Revisionism. Whilst God may be acknowledged as a metaphysical
being, it seems unlikely that this sort of reasoning, when
applied to the existence of the gas chambers, will suddenly
encourage people to accept Revisionist ideas.
Much Revisionist "information" is circulated via more
conventional means through the Noontide Press, The Spotlight
and other journals of the
Institute for Historical Review
(IHR), described by
Ken McVay as "the moving force in the
movement to deny the Holocaust".<32> This California-based
organisation was founded by Lewis Brandon, alias William David
McCalden, a founding member of the
British National Party
after breaking away from the National Front in 1975. Wilkinson
says of the IHR:
"They go out of their way to sponsor works by neo-Nazis with
bona fide academic degrees or some sort of formal position in
higher education."<33>
After Brandon/McCalden had left the Institute,
Willis Carto, the ultra-right-wing funder of the Institute, took over
until being forced out in late 1994. The Simon Wiesenthal
Center stated the following about Carto in its report on the
infiltration of neo-Nazi groups in Germany:
"Willis Carto is the most influential professional antisemite
in the United States. He is the founder of
Liberty Lobby, the
Institute for Historical Review, the Noontide Press (which
distributes a wide range of racist and antisemitic titles),
and the Populist Party, whose 1988 Presidential candidate was
David Duke. Carto's name came up in nearly every conversation
held between Ron Furey, S.W.C. researcher, Richard Eaton, and
the neo-Nazis. Literature produced by the Carto organization
is widely read by German's radical right. In addition,
several of those interviewed know Mr. Carto personally."<34>
7.0 Extremism in a European Context Whilst the dynamic rise of right-wing extremism in
Germany in the 1980s is peculiar to Germany, given the rise to
power of the Third Reich in the 1930s, the entire movement
must be set in the context of the resurgence in such extremism
in Europe in general. In other countries, right-wing radical
parties frequently gain significant results in elections, both
European and domestic.
The Italian party Lega Nord gained 8.7% of the vote in
the 1992 parliamentary elections and 8.4% in 1994. Before the
1994 elections, however, Umberto Bossi, the party's leader,
entered the party into an alliance with Silvio Berlusconi's
Forza Italia, which placed the Lega Nord in a strong position
with almost twice the seats in parliament, when Forza Italia
formed the government.
In France, the Front National has typically fared well in
European elections, gaining 11.0% in 1984 and11.8% in 1989.
Jean-Marie Le Pen, the party's leader, gained 14.4% of the
votes cast in the 1988 presidential elections, whilst the
party as a whole gained 9.7% of the parliamentary votes in the
same year. Similarly, in the first round of the presidential
elections on April 23rd 1995, Le Pen gained 15% of the votes
cast.
The Austrian Freiheitliche Partei Oesterreichs has been
continually successful at the polls, gaining 9.7% in the 1986
parliamentary elections and 16.6% in 1990, under the
leadership of Joerg Haider. However, in the regional elections
in Vienna in 1991, the party won 22.6% of the votes.
The Vlaams Blok party in Belgium, campaigning for a
corruption-free government, is expected to make substantial
gains at the elections on May 21st 1995. These elections have
been brought forward by seven months, principally as a result
of the corruption and scandal surrounding the "Cools Affair",
following the murder of Andri Cools, the former deputy prime
minister, and the subsequent resignation of the foreign
minister, Frank Vandenbroucke, and which still threatens to
bring down the Secretary-General of NATO and former finance
minister, Willy Claes.<35>
When such results are compared with those of Die
Republikaner, it can be seen that there is greater public
support for right-wing extremist parties in the rest of Europe
than that shown for the Republikaner. But still Germany
receives greater international publicity for virtually any
incident connected with the far-right, which almost certainly
reflects the dramatic rise of the NSDAP in the 1920s,
transformed from a marginal party into the largest in the
Reichstag by 1933.
8.0 Combatting the Extremists In 1992 there were two major infiltrations of the
right-wing extremist organisations in Germany by foreign
organisations: the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) and the Simon
Wiesenthal Center (SWC). The SWC investigation was, oddly
enough, carried out by an Israeli journalist, posing as an
Australian, who gained the confidence of several neo-Nazi
figures in Germany, before compiling a report, with the SWC, a
copy of which was forwarded to the German authorities. The
report states in its findings that:
"1. Germany has passed a series of laws over the years to
prevent attempts at Nazi revivalism. These laws are not always
enforced, however. In some cases, neo-Nazis have actually been
tipped off in advance about impending police raids. [...]
2. Constantin Mayer leads the Dresden area cell of the
"Nationale Offensive", a group that was recently banned by the
government. Although Mayer says he is under constant
surveillance, he says he has cordial relations with the police
and conducts his business with them "with a wink and a nod."
3. Reisz's brother-in-law operates a video studio in Langen
which produces Nazi propaganda. Yet the studio continues to
operate.
4. One woman, a retired police inspector, was presented by
Wolfgang Juchem to Ron Furey and Rick Eaton as an example of
his support among respectable Germans.
5. One neo-Nazi leader, Meinolf Schoenborn, has been raided
by the police on several occasions. They've obtained his
computerized membership list - a phoney, prepared in advance
from a local phone directory to confuse the authorities."<36>
The report also shows there to be errors with the
official estimates of membership of these parties:
"1. The Freiheitliche Deutsche Arbeiterpartei [...] is
estimated by the Office for Protection of the Constitution at
150 members. Yet while ingratiating himself with Busse, Ron
Furey was shown Busse's list - 980 members. [...]
2. While the government estimates that another group, the
Nationale Offensive, has 100 members, Ron Furey found out that
the Dresden area cell alone has 150.
3. Meinolf Schoenborn's "Nationalistic Front," which is also
banned, is estimated at 130 members. Schoenborn claims an
infrastructure of 8,600. [...]"<37>
The authorities are able, given sufficient proof, to
declare a party to be anti-constitutional under article 21,
paragraph 2 of the Basic Law. This states that:
"(2) 1.Parties which, according to their aims or relationship
of their supporters, are intent on interfering with or
removing the free democratic basic order or threatening
the continued existence of the Federal Republic of Germany,
are anti-constitutional. 2.The decision of
anti-constitutionalism lies with the Federal Constitutional
Court."
Such an example of this is the recent ban imposed on the FAP.
According to paragraph 33 (Ban of Replacement
Organizations), article 1 of the Party Law:
"It is forbidden to form organizations (replacement
organizations), which persue further anti-constitutional aims
in place of a party banned under article 21, paragraph 2 of
the Basic Law in conjunction with article 46 of the Law of the
Constitutional Court, or to continue existing organizations as
replacement organizations."
Any offending individuals are liable to forfeit certain
Basic Rights, in accordance with article 18 of the Basic Law,
although such motions have to be initiated by the Bundestag,
the Federal Government or a regional government.
The Office for the Protection of the Constitution is the
official organization charged with monitoring the right-wing
extremist groups, currently with a budget of over 200 million
Marks. Geoffrey K. Roberts sees this office as
"institutionalised wariness" in the light of the 1920s. It has
set up three working parties to investigate the problems of
right-wing extremism: a group on right-wing terrorism; a group
for special measures for fighting right-wing extremism and the
Information Group for the Observation and Combatting of
Right-wing Extremist Violence. The Office for the Protection
of the Constitution can either have a party banned or declared
anti-constitutional, which prevents all members of that party
from working in the civil service, which would otherwise allow
individuals a platform to air their extremist views.
9.0 Public Reaction Perhaps the most obvious and most violent opposition to
the right-wing extremists comes from the one diametrically
opposed group: the left-wing extremists. The militant
left-wingers have demonstrated against the right-wing
extremists on numerous occasions, most notably after the 1992
rioting in Rostock, where the left-wingers were immediately
arrested when they gathered to attack the right-extremists as
they were attacking a home for asylum seekers. Organised
around the theme Antifaschismus/Antirassismus, there are
several localised groups which take on the right-wing. In 1993
the report of the Office for the Protection of the
Constitution recorded 337 violent attacks on the far-right,
compared with 390 in 1992.
The ordinary citizen has protested vociferously: after
the rioting throughout Germany in 1992, the masses turned out
to show their feelings on the subject in several town and
cities across the country, but especially in those places
where the rioting had occurred. In Berlin on November 8th
1992, the eve of the 54th anniversary of
Reichskristallnacht,
the Nazi purge of the Jews, 300,000 people, among them Federal
President Richard von Weizsaecker, protested against right-wing
violence in the Berliner Lustgarten, although the
demonstration was later disrupted by anarchists.<38>
10.0 Conclusion Whilst it cannot be denied that right-wing extremism and
right-wing violence have increased over the past decade, one
must question the comments of some critics of Germany, that
the Government has just "stood by and watched". It is a
difficult and dangerous situation which has developed in
Germany, and the utmost care needs to be exercised in dealing
with it, in order to avoid an escalation of the violence and
an increase in the number of subversive groups.
The problem with banning individual parties, as has been
found in the past, is that it simply drives the activities of
the banned group underground, or else, as with the ANS/NA, the
members join a similarly oriented group, such as the FAP.
Additionally, as Manfred Kanther, the Interior Minister,
stated of Die Republikaner, to ban a party is merely to make
martyrs of those in the party hierarchy. Thus, by not banning
the parties, not only does the Government have a much clearer
idea of each individual group and, hence, its membership, but
it is also easier for it to monitor the practices of the
groups and, to a certain extent, to control them.
Footnotes Bibliography Backes, Uwe / Jesse, Eckhard; Politischer Extremismus in der
Bundesrepublik Deutschland; (Bonn, 1993).
Benz, Wolfgang [ed.]; Rechtsradikalismus: Randerscheinung oder
Renaissance?; (Frankfurt a.M., 1980).
Benz, Wolfgang [ed.]; Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland.
Voraussetzungen, Zusammenhaenge, Wirkungen; (Frankfurt a.M.,
1994).
Betz, Hans-Georg; Radical Right-wing Populism in Western
Europe; (London, 1994).
Dudek, Peter / Jaschke, Hans-Gerd; Entstehung und Entwicklung
des Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik; 2 Baender;
(Opladen, 1984).
Heitmeyer, Wilhelm; Rechtsextremismus. Warum Handelt Menschen
gegen ihre eigenen Interessen?; (Koeln, 1991).
Heinemann, Karl-Heinz / Schubarth, Wilfried [ed.]; Der
antifaschistische Staat entlaesst seine Kinder: Jugend und
Rechtsextremismus in Ostdeutschland; (Cologne, 1992).
Husbands, Christopher; The Other Face of 1992: The
Extreme-Right Explosion in Western Europe; in Parliamentary
Affairs Vol.45, No.3, July 1992; pp 267-284.
Kowalsky, Wolfgang / Schroeder, Wolfgang [ed.];
Rechtsextremismus. Einfuehrung und Forschungsbilanz; (Opladen,
1994).
Leuchter, Fred; The Leuchter Report: The Forensic Examination
of Auschwitz; (London, 1989).
McVay, Kenneth N.; Holocaust FAQ: Willis Carto & The Institute
for Historical Review; (Canada, 1994). Usenet news.answers.
Available via anonymous ftp from rtfm.mit.edu in
pub/usenet/news.answers/holocaust/ihr/part01 and part02.
McVay, Kenneth N.; Holocaust FAQ: The Leuchter Report;
(Canada, 1994).
Otto, Hans-Uwe / Merten, Roland [ed.]; Rechtsradikale Gewalt
im vereinigten Deutschland. Jugend im gesellschaftlichen
Umbruch; (Opladen, 1993).
Roberts, Geoffrey K.; Right-wing Radicalism in the New
Germany; in Parliamentary Affairs Vol.45, No.3, July 1992; pp
327-344.
Wilkinson, P.; The New Fascists; (London, 1981).
The Dignity Report, February 15, 1994; The Coalition for Human
Dignity, P. O. Box 40344, Portland, Oregon 97240.
Grundgesetz mit [...] Parteiengesetz 1994; (Munich, 1994).
Fragen und Antworten zum Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland;
Bundesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (Bonn, 1993).
Links- und Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland -Gemeinsamkeiten
und Unterschiede- Ideologie, Ursachen, Erscheinungsformen;
Bundesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz (Bonn, 1993).
Aktuelle Aspekte des Rechtsextremismus; Bundesministerium des
Innern (Bonn, 1994).
Extremismus und Gewalt in drei Baender; Bundesministerium des
Innern (Bonn, 1993-1994).
Extremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Band II;
Bundesministerium des Innern (Bonn, 1992).
Verfassungsschutzbericht 1992; Bundesministerium des Innern
(Bonn, 1993).
Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; Bundesministerium des Innern
(Bonn, 1994).
Rechtsextremistische Einfluesse auf die Skinhead-Subkultur.
Entwicklung - aktuelle Lage - Einschaetzung - Fanzines -
Skinmusik; Bayerisches Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz
(Munich, 1993).
Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland -
Allgemeine Entwicklung.; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz
Baden-Wuerttemberg (Stuttgart, 1994).
DVU - Deutsche Volksunion: Organisation - Ziele -
Perspektiven; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz
Baden-Wuerttemberg (Stuttgart, 1992).
Skinheads; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz Rheinland-Pfalz
(Mainz, 1994).
Rechtsextremismus; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz
Rheinland-Pfalz (Mainz, 1994).
New Statesman & Society; 4th December 1992; p.12ff.
The European; 24th-27th June 1993; pp.8-9.
Time, 23rd November 1992; pp 42-44.
Acknowledgements German News Service (GERMNEWS@vm.gmd.de) for the some of the more recent information.
Reuters News Service.
Times Newspapers Ltd.
United Press International.
The original plaintext version of this file is available via
ftp.
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Right-wing Extremism in the Federal Republic Of Germany 1973-1995
Reginald M. Rushton
June 1995
1. Backes / Jesse; pp 297-298.
2. Wilkinson; p. 99.
3. Wilkinson; p. 111 and Koenigseder, A.; Zur Chronologie
des Rechtsextremismus; in Benz [ed.], 1994.
4. Wilkinson; p. 172.
5. Otto / Merten; p. 16.
6. The Times, Saturday 25th February 1995.
7. Betz; pp 55-64.
8. ibid.; pp 59-60.
9. Informationen zur politischen Bildung nr. 237: Auslaender;
(Bonn, 1992); pp 22-23.
10. Rechtsextremismus in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland -
Allgemeine Entwicklung; Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz,
Baden-Wuerttemberg, 1994; p. 24.
11. Kommunalwahlprogramm der Partei DIE REPUBLIKANER zur
Stadtratswahl 1994 in Mainz.
12. ibid.; p.1.
13. ibid.; p.2.
14. Schoenhuber auf dem Bundesprogrammparteitag am 26. Juni
1993 in Augsburg, in Der Republikaner 7/93; in Rechtsextremismus
in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland - Allgemeine Entwicklung;
Landesamt fuer Verfassungsschutz, Baden-Wuerttemberg, 1994; p. 26.
15. Andreas Juhnke; The hydra-headed monster of Germany in
New Statesman & Society; 4th December 1992; p. 13.
16. Betz; p.136.
17. Roberts; p. 331.
18. German News; Fr. 03.03.95 19:00 MEZ.
19. Roger Boyes; Far-right party saved from ban; in The
Times, 15th April 1994; p. 12.
20. Backes / Jesse; p. 107.
21. Roberts; p. 335.
22. Backes / Jesse; p. 296.
23. Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 125.
24. Niedersachsen-Spiegel - Deutsche Stimme fuer Niedersachsen.
3/93; p. 4; in Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 126.
25. Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 130.
26. The Guardian Education; 13th October 1992; p. 12.
27. Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, B
- Estimates of neo-Nazi membership.
28. Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report;
Personalities - Busse, Friedhelm.
29. Verfassungsschutzbericht 1993; p. 106.
30. Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, D -
International Links.
31. Wilkinson; p. 97.
32. McVay; Holocaust FAQ: Willis Carto & The Institute for
Historical Review; 2.0 Background Information.
33. Wilkinson; p. 97.
34. Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report.
35. The Sunday Times News Review, 26th March 1995.
36. Simon Wiesenthal Center: Infiltration Report; Findings, A
- Enforcement of laws.
37. as note 36.
38. Time, November 23rd 1992; pp 42-44.