Acts of Resistance and the Organization of the Revolt
in Treblinka
The Organization of the Underground
In the winter of 1942/1943, a change occurred in the intensity of the
activity in Treblinka. The number of transports gradually diminished
and almost stopped altogether in February/March 1943. The
annihilation of the Jews of the General-Government was completed for
the most part, although from time to time a few transports did arrive
from the Bialystok-Grodno district (Generalbezirk). The vast piles
of possessions taken from the murdered, which had been heaped up in
the square near the platform and had been part of the permanent
scenery of the camp, disappeared. They had been packed and sent off
to destinations in Germany and elsewhere. As the stream of
transports ceased, it was no longer necessary to sort the belongings
of the dead, and the fear descended on the Jewish prisoners that they
were slated to be liquidated soon, together with the camp as a whole.
Rumors about a selection in which some of the men would be taken to
the gas chambers hovered in the air constantly. Moreover, the
reduced number of transports led to a shortage of food and clothing,
which had been obtained from what the victims left behind.
Starvation and the typhus that broke out in the winter claimed many
victims, and that added to the gloom among the prisoners.
The news from the front about the German military defeat at
Stalingrad--which the prisoners learned about from newspapers
smuggled to them by the boy prisoners who worked in the quarters of
the SS--was received with joy. At the same time fears intensified
that with the end of Nazi Germany approaching, the last of the Jews
would be liquidated. (Sereny, op. cit., pp. 210-212; testimony of
Strawczynski, op. cit. p.. 26, 47; Wiernik, op. cit., p. 37; J.
Rajgrodzki, "Jedenascie miesiecy w obozie zaglady w
Treblince--Wspomnienia," Biuletyn Zydowskiego Instytutu Historycznego
(BZIH), No. 25, 1958, p. 109.)
That was the atmosphere in which the idea of escape and rebellion
gradually took shape in talks among the prisoners in the work places
and barracks. The lessons of previous acts of resistance in the camp
and the recent unsuccessful escape attempts made it clear that new
ways had to be found. The only realistic possibility seemed to be a
mass revolt and organized escape by all the prisoners by means of
force.
When and within which group the idea of rebellion first occurred
cannot be stated with any certainty. (According to Strawczynski, op.
cit., p. 47, the idea of revolt was first raised by the carpenters'
group.) It seems reasonable to assume that the idea occurred to
several groups at more or less the same time in talks among the
"court Jews" and among the "square Jews." In preparation for the
rebellion, an "organizing committee" was formed, comprised of
prisoners from both groups. On this committee were Dr. Chorazycki,
who was physician to the SS men, Zeev Kurland, the Capo of the
Lazarett, Zelo Bloch, a lieutenant in the Czech army who had arrived
in a transport from Theresienstadt, Salzberg of the tailors' group,
the agronomist Sadowicz and others.
Even before the plan for the uprising was formulated, the "organizing committee" tried to acquire arms by bribing the Ukrainian
guards. These guards used to slip food to the prisoners in exchange
for money and gold, and it was hoped that they would also agree to
supply weapons. The Jewish prisoners, especially the "gold Jews,"
maintained caches of money and valuables that had been taken from
what had been left by the victims. Even though the Germans often
threatened that prisoners possessing money and valuables would be
executed, the prisoners were not deterred and continued to hide
sizable quantities of money and valuables, Now these holdings were to
serve as a source for the acquisition of arms. One of the first
attempts was made by a Jewish prisoner named Moshe, who served as the
Capo of the carpentry shop. He gave an Ukrainian with whom he was in
contact money and asked him to get him a pistol. The money was
taken, but the gun was not brought. In spite of this failure, the
efforts to acquire arms via the Ukrainians continued, but it was
decided that in addition an attempt would be made to remove weapons
from the camp arms store. In this luck was with the prisoners. One
day a Jewish locksmith was ordered to repair the lock on the arms
store door. In the course of the repair, he prepared a key for the
underground "organizing committee." (Dokumenty, op. cit., Vol. I,
Obozy, p. 188; Wilenberg, op. cit., p. 46;
Tanhum Greenberg,
"Ha-Mered be-Treblinka--Kitei Edut," Yalkllt Mo-reshet, No. 5, April
1966, p. 61)
In the second half of March 1943, the underground suffered a serious
loss. Zelo Bloch, the military man on the "organizing committee,"
was transferred to the extermination area. The reasons for his
transfer are not clear. It is very unlikely that it was in any way
related to his underground activity, for had there been the slightest
suspicion against him the Germans would have immediately killed him.
His transfer was most likely a result of the lessened activity in the
camp and the need for more men in the extermination area. After
Himmler visited the camp at the end of February or early March 1943,
the burning of the corpses was begun in the "extermination area" so
as to remove traces of the murder that had taken place there; for
this more men were needed. Typhus also had claimed many victims in
the extermination area, which further increased the manpower shortage
there. (Sereny, op. cit., pp. 210-211) Another underground
activist, Adolf Friedman, was transferred together with Block.
The efforts to get arms from the Ukrainian guards continued. This
time Dr. Chorazycki, one of the heads of the "organizing committee"
who by virtue of his work had daily contact with the Ukrainians, took
upon himself the handling of this matter. As a bribe for the guards
he carried on him a sum of money. One day early in April 1943, the
deputy camp commander, Kurt Franz, entered the infirmary and
discovered the money (possibly after being informed by the Ukrainians). When Chorazycki realized that his situation was hopeless, he
rushed at Franz with a surgical knife. A struggle ensued in which
Chorazycki did not manage to injure Franz, but did succeed in
swallowing poison that he kept on him for just such an occasion. The
Germans' efforts to revive him were to no avail. In order to deter
the other prisoners from thinking about escape they were called to a
roll-call at which the dead body of Chorazycki was abused. A
thorough search was conducted among the "gold Jews" who were
suspected of having supplied the money. They were threatened that if
they did not confess they would be executed. They were severely
beaten and tortured, but denied any connection with the affair.
(Greenberg, op. cit., p. 60; Wilenberg,, op. air., pp. 52-53;
testimony of Strawczynski, op. cit., p. 38)
In spite of Chorazycki's death and Zelo Bloch's transfer to the other
part of the camp, the "organizing committee" continued with the
preparations for the uprising. The "camp elder" Rakowski was now
brought in on the secret of the underground activity. Rudek
Lubernicki, who was in charge of the garage and later played an
important role in the uprising, now also joined the underground. The
members of the underground, who numbered several score, were
organized into several groups.
In the latter part of April 1943, it was decided to remove weapons
from the arms store by using the key in the committee's possession.
The arms store was located between two barracks where Germans lived;
there was access to it also from within the barracks. The job of
removing the weapons, during the daytime, when the barracks'
occupants were not there, was given to a group of Jewish boys who
worked in the SS quarters cleaning up and polishing the Germans'
boots. A group of boys headed by Markus, a young man from Warsaw who
was in charge of them, and three other boys removed two cases
containing grenades from the storeroom and surreptitiously got them
to the shoemakers' workshop. When the grenades were examined. it
was discovered that the detonators, which were kept in a separate
box, were missing. The grenades were returned in the same way they
had been removed so that the Germans would not find out that they
were missing. This failure led to a postponement of the uprising.
(Greenberg,, op. Cit., pp. 61-62.)
After the uprising planned for the latter half of April 1943 failed
to take place, there was a decline in the underground's activity.
Once again there were thoughts of individual escape. One of those
who planned to escape was Rakowski, together with his girlfriend
Cesia Mendel and others. Seeking collaboration. they bribed a
Ukrainian guard, but the SS began to get suspicious. They conducted
a search in the room where the Capos lived and found large quantities
of money and gold in the blankets and walls. Rakowski claimed that
the treasure they found did not belong to him and that he was unaware
of its existence. He claimed that the money and gold had probably
been hidden by Chorazycki, who had since died but who had lived in
that room before. But his arguments were not accepted, and he was
taken to the Lazarett where he was shot. After Rakowski's death the
Germans, at the beginning of May 1943, appointed Galewski "camp
elder." (Galewski, an engineer by profession, served as camp elder
before Rakowski [see Greenberg, op. cit., p. 61]; see also
testimony of Strawczynski, op. cit., pp. 51-52; Sereny, op. cit., p. 195)
In May and the beginning of June the activity of the "organizing
committee" and underground activity in general continued to slacken.
But the cessation of the transports and the information from the
extermination area that the removal of the bodies from the pits and
their cremation was nearing completion and that soon there would be
no more work led to a reawakening of underground activity.
At this time the "camp elder" Galewski joined the underground
leadership, and with him came Monik, an energetic Warsaw youth who
was Capo of the skilled workers, and others as well. The "organizing
committee" was reactivated. It was headed by Galewski and had about
ten members, most of whom had been members of the previous
"committee." The activity was conducted in the greatest possible
secrecy, and the camp authorities did not learn of it despite the
informers they had among the prisoners. The fact that the committee
was headed by the "camp elder" and that its members included most of
the Capos and heads of work groups (Kurland, Monik, Sadowicz and
others) made its activity somewhat easier. 'The meetings generally
took place in the tailors' workshop. The number of members in the
underground grew steadily. On the eve of the uprising, in Camp A
there were about sixty people, who comprised about 10 percent of the
camp's prisoner population. They were organized by places of work
into sub-units of five to ten people, headed by a commander.
(Testimony of Strawczynski, op cit., pp. 50-55; Stanislaw Kon,
"Ha-Mered be-Treblinka," 'Sefer Milhamot ha-Geta'ot, 1954, pp
536-537)
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(2 of 2)
At night the prisoners were shut up in the barracks, which were
guarded by Ukrainian sentries. The intensified punitive
measures -- the torture and hanging of the captured escapees and the
announcement that for each prisoner who escaped ten others would be
executed--also had their effect. The snow and the tracks left in the
snow, which gave the escapees away. also made escape more difficult.
The last escape attempts were made at the beginning, of the winter,
in December 1942, but they ended in failure. It became evident that
the ways of escape that had been tried heretofore now stood virtually
no chance of succeeding. It became necessary to search for different
ways, more organized and complex. Indeed, at the beginning of 1943,
new ideas began to take shape regarding struggle, escape and rescue.