Fifth Day:
Monday, 26rd November, 1945
[Page 155]
There is attached thereto, if the Tribunal please, the
statute referred to as the Reich Defence Law of 21st May,
1935, or rather it was enacted by the Reich Cabinet, and it
starts with the statement:
The law is signed "The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, Adolf
Hitler; the Reich Minister of War, von Blomberg; the Reich
Minister of the Interior,
[Page 156]
The publication of the Law for the Defence of the Reich
on 21st May, 1935, will be suspended. The law became
effective 21st May, 1935.
The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor, Adolf Hitler."
There is further attached a copy of the decision of the
Reich Cabinet Of 21st May, 1935, on the Council for the
Defence of the Realm which deals largely with organisation
for economic preparation for the war and which I think was
disclosed by my colleague, Mr. Dodd, last week.
There can be no question that this law Of 21st May, 1935,
was the corner-stone of war preparations of the Nazi
conspirators. The relationship of the defendant Schacht to
this preparation is made transparently clear by this
captured document.
So much, for the time being, on the preparatory phase of the
conspiracy, 1933 to 1936.
As indicated earlier, the next phase of aggression was the
formulation and execution of plans to attack Austria and
Czechoslovakia, in that order. This is the phase of the
aggression covered by paragraphs 3(a), (b), and (c) of
Section IV (F) of the Indictment appearing at pages seven to
eight of the printed English Text.
One of the most striking and revealing of all the captured
documents which have come to hand is a document which we
have come to know as the Hoszbach notes of a conference in
the Reich Chancellery On 5th November, 1937, from 16.15 to
20-30 hours, in the course of which Hitler outlined to those
present the possibilities and necessities of expanding their
foreign policy, and requested - I quote, - "That his
statements be looked upon in the case of his death as his
last will and testament." And so with this document we shall
present to the Tribunal and to the public the last will and
testament of Adolf Hitler as he contemplated that last will
and testament on 5th November, 1937. The document comes to
hand through the United States Department of State of the
United States. It is numbered document 386-PS in our series
of numbered documents. I offer it in evidence as exhibit USA
25.
Before reading it, I note at the start that the recorder of
the minutes of this meeting, then Colonel Hoszbach, was the
Fuehrer's adjutant. I note also the presence in this
conspiratorial meeting of the defendant Erich Raeder. The
defendant Constantin von Neurath was present. The defendant
Hermann Wilhelm Goering was present. The minutes of this
meeting reveal a crystallisation towards the end of 1937 in
the policy of the Nazi regime. Austria and Czechoslovakia
were to be acquired by force. They would provide Lebensraum
(living space) and improve Germany's military position for
further operations. While it is true that actual events
unfolded themselves in a somewhat different manner than that
outlined at this meeting, in essence the purposes stated at
the meeting were carried out. The document destroys any
possible doubt concerning the Nazis' premeditation of their
crimes against peace. This document is of such tremendous
importance that I feel obliged to read it in full into the
record.
[Page 157]
The Fuehrer then went on: "The aim of German policy is the
security and the preservation of the nation and its
propagation. This is consequently a problem of space. The
German nation comprises eighty-five million people, which,
because of the number of individuals and the compactness of
habitation, form a homogeneous European racial body, the
like of which cannot be found in any other country. On the
other hand it justifies the demand for larger living space
more than for any other nation. If there have been no
political measures to meet the demands of this racial body
for living space, then that is the result of historical
development spread over several centuries, and should this
political condition continue to exist, it will represent the
greatest danger to the preservation of the German nation
(the German word used there is not "nation"; it is "
Volkstum ") at its present high level. An arrest of the
deterioration of the German element in Austria and in
Czechoslovakia is just as little possible as the
preservation of the present state in Germany itself."
Before touching upon the question of solving the need
for living space, it must be decided whether a solution
of the German position with a good future can be
attained, either by way of an autarchy or by way of an
increased share in universal commerce and industry.
Autarchy: Execution will be possible only with strict
National-Socialist State policy, which is the basis;
(that is the basis of autarchy) assuming this can be
achieved, the results are as follows:
A. In the sphere of raw materials, only limited, but
not total autarchy can be attained:
2. In the case of ores the position is much
more difficult. Requirements in iron and light
metals can be covered by ourselves. Copper and tin,
however, cannot.
3. Cellular materials can be covered by
ourselves as long as sufficient wood supplies exist.
A permanent solution is not possible.
4. Edible fats - possible. [Page 158]
The considerable expenditure Of foreign currency to secure
food by import, even in periods when harvests are good,
increases catastrophically when the harvest is really poor.
The possibility of this catastrophe increases
correspondingly to the increase in population, and the
annual 560,000 excess in births would bring about an
increased consumption in bread, because the child is a
greater bread eater than the adult.
Permanently to counter the difficulties of food supplies by
lowering the standard of living and by rationalisation is
impossible in a continent which has developed an
approximately equivalent standard of living. As the solving
of the unemployment problem has brought into effect the
complete power of consumption, some small corrections in our
agricultural home production will be possible, but not a
wholesale alteration of the standard of food consumption.
Consequently autarchy becomes impossible, specifically in
the sphere of food supplies, as well as generally.
Participation in world economy. There are limits to this
which we are unable to transgress. The market fluctuation
would be an obstacle to a secure foundation of the German
position; international commercial agreements do not offer
any guarantee for practical execution. It must be considered
on principle that since the World War (1914-18), an
industrialisation has taken place in countries which
formerly exported food. We live in a period of economic
empires, in which the tendency to colonies again, approaches
the condition which originally motivated colonisation; in
Japan and Italy economic motives are the basis of their will
to expand, and economic need will also drive Germany to it.
Countries outside the great economic empires have special
difficulties in expanding economically.
The upward tendency, which has been caused in world economy,
due to armament competition, can never form a permanent
basis for an economic settlement, and this latter is also
hampered by the economic disruption caused by Bolshevism.
There is a pronounced military weakness in those States
which base their existence on export. As our exports and
imports are carried out over those sea lanes which are
dominated by Britain, it is rather a question of security of
transport than one of foreign currency and this explains the
great weakness of our food situation in wartime. The only
way out, and one which may appear imaginary, is the securing
of greater living space, an endeavour which at all times has
been the cause of the formation of States and of movements
of nations. It is explicable that this tendency finds no
interest in Geneva and in satisfied States. Should the
security of our food situation be our foremost thought, then
the space required for this can only be sought in Europe,
but we will not copy liberal capitalist policies which rely
on exploiting colonies. It is not a case of conquering
people, but of conquering agriculturally useful space. It
would also be more to the purpose to seek raw material-
producing territory in Europe directly adjoining the Reich
and not overseas, and this solution would have to be brought
into effect for one or two generations. What would be
required at a later date over and above this must be left to
subsequent generations. The development of great world-wide
national bodies is naturally a slow process and the German
people, with its strong racial root" - I interpolate, there
is a German word "Volkstamm", racial root - "has for this
purpose the most favourable foundations in the heart of the
European Continent. The history of all times - Roman Empire,
British Empire - has proved that every space expansion can
only be effected by breaking resistance and taking risks.
Even setbacks are unavoidable; neither formerly nor today
has
[Page 159]
(A recess was taken.)
MR. ALDERMAN: May it please the Tribunal, after the somewhat
jumbled discussion, which I have just read, of geopolitical
economic theory and of the need for expansion and
"Lebensraum," Adolf Hitler, in these Hoszbach notes, posed
the question:
German politics must reckon with its two hateful
enemies, England and France, to whom a strong German
colossus in the centre of Europe would be intolerable.
Both these States would oppose a further reinforcement
of Germany, both in Europe and overseas, and in this
opposition they would have the support of all parties.
Both countries would view the building of German
military strong points overseas as a threat to their
overseas communications, as a security measure for
German commerce, and retrospectively a strengthening of
the German position in Europe.
England is not in a position to cede any of her
colonial possessions to us owing to the resistance
which she experiences in the Dominions. After the loss
of prestige which England has suffered owing to the
transfer of Abyssinia to Italian ownership, a return of
East Africa can no longer be expected. Any resistance
on England's part would at best consist in the
readiness to satisfy our colonial claims by taking away
colonies which at the present moment are not in British
hands, for example, Angola. French favours would
probably be of the same nature.
A serious discussion regarding the return of colonies
to us could be considered only at a time when England
is in a state of emergency and the German Reich is
strong and well armed. The Fuehrer does not share the
opinion that the Empire is unshakeable."
Alongside the British Empire today a number of States
exist which are stronger than it. The British mother
country is able to defend its colonial possession only
when allied with other States and not by its own power.
Now could England alone, for example, defend Canada
against attack by America, or its Far Eastern interests
against an attack by Japan?
The singling out of the British Crown as the bearer of
Empire unity is in itself an admission that the
Universal Empire cannot be maintained permanently by
power politics. The following are significant pointers
in this respect:
(b) Constitutional disputes in India where
England, by her half measures, left the door open
for Indians, at a later date, to utilise the non-
fulfilment of constitutional promises as a weapon
against Britain.
(c) The weakening of the British position in the
Far East by Japan.
(d) The opposition in the Mediterranean by Italy
which - by virtue of its history, driven by
necessity and led by a genius - expands its power
position and must consequently infringe British
interests to an increasing extent. The outcome of
the Abyssinian War is a loss of prestige for
Britain which Italy is endeavouring to increase by
stirring up discontent in the Mohammedan World. [Page 160]
Britain, France, Russia, and the adjoining smaller
States.
The German question can be solved only by way of force,
and this is never without risk. The battles of
Frederick the Great for Silesia, and Bismarck's wars
against Austria and France had been a tremendous risk
and the speed of Prussian action in 1870 had prevented
Austria from participating in the war. If we place the
decision to apply force with risk at the head of the
following expositions, then we are left to reply to the
questions 'when' and 'how'. In this regard we have to
decide upon three different cases."
[
Previous |
Index |
Next ]
Home ·
Site Map ·
What's New? ·
Search
Nizkor
© The Nizkor Project, 1991-2012
This site is intended for educational purposes to teach about the Holocaust and
to combat hatred.
Any statements or excerpts found on this site are for educational purposes only.
As part of these educational purposes, Nizkor may
include on this website materials, such as excerpts from the writings of racists and antisemites. Far from approving these writings, Nizkor condemns them and
provides them so that its readers can learn the nature and extent of hate and antisemitic discourse. Nizkor urges the readers of these pages to condemn racist
and hate speech in all of its forms and manifestations.
(Part 2 of 7)
"The Reich Cabinet has enacted the following law that is
hereby made public."
There follows a law in detail covering preparations for
state of defence, mobilisation, appointment of this
plenipotentiary-general for war economy, with
plenipotentiary authority for the economic preparation of
the war, and a Part III providing for setting of penalties.
"Note on the law for the Defence of the Reich of 21st
May, 1935.
So that although the publication itself stated the law was
made public, the publication was suspended by Adolf Hitler;
although the law became effective immediately.
"Berlin, 10th November, 1937. Notes on the conference in the
Reichrkanzlei on 5th November, 1937, from 16.15 to 20.30
hours.
Present: The Fuehrer and Reich Chancellor;
The Reich Minister for War, Generalfeldmarschall v.
Blomberg;
The C.-in-C. Army, Generaloberst Freiherr von Fritsch;
The C.-in-C. Navy, Generaladmiral Dr. H. C. Raeder;
The C.-in-C. Luftwaffe, Generaloberst Goering;
The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs Freiherr v. Neurath;
Oberst Hoszbach (the adjutant who took the minutes)."
The Fuehrer stated initially that the subject matter of
today's conference was of such high importance that its
detailed discussion would certainly in other States take
place before the Cabinet in full session. However, he, the
Fuehrer, had decided not to discuss this matter in the
larger circle of the Reich Cabinet, because of its
importance. His subsequent statements were the result of
detailed deliberations and of the experiences of his four
and a half years in government; he desired to explain to
those present his fundamental ideas on the possibilities and
necessities of expanding their foreign policy, and in the
interests of a far-sighted policy he requested that his
statements be looked upon, in the case of his death, as his
last will and testament.
I interpolate that I can but think that this is not a good
translation of the German because to me the sentence seems
meaningless.
"Instead of growth, sterility will be introduced, and as
a consequence tensions of a social nature will appear
after a number of years, because political and
philosophical ideas are of a permanent nature only as
long as they are able to produce the basis for the
realisation of the actual claim of the existence of a
nation. The German future is therefore dependent
exclusively on the solution of the need for living
space. Such a solution can be sought naturally only for
a limited period, about one to three generations.
I interpolate, that if I understand him he means by that "no
autarchy; we must participate in world trade and commerce."
1. Wherever coal can be used for the extraction
of raw materials autarchy is feasible.
B. In the case of foods, the question of an autarchy
must be answered with a definite capital NO.
The general increase of living standards, compared with
thirty to forty years ago, brought about a simultaneous
increase of the demand and an increase of personal
consumption among the producers, the farmers themselves.
The proceeds
"The question for Germany is where the greatest
possible conquest could be made at lowest cost.
Meaning, I take it, the British Empire.
"Resistance against the Empire is to be found less in
conquered territories than amongst its competitors. The
British Empire and the Roman Empire cannot be compared
with one another in regard to durability; after the
Punic Wars the latter did not have a serious political
enemy. Only the dissolving effects which originated in
Christendom, and the signs of age which, creep into all
States, made it possible for the ancient Germans to
subjugate ancient Rome.
I take it he meant by that: "Keep the population of occupied
territories low in comparison with ours."
(a) Ireland's struggle for independence.
"France's position is more favourable than that of
England. The French Empire is better placed
geographically; the population of its colonial
possessions represents a potential military increase.
But France is faced with difficulties of internal
politics. At the present time only 10 per cent
approximately of the nations have parliamentary
governments, whereas 90 per cent of them have
totalitarian governments. Nevertheless, we have to take
the following into our political consideration as power
factors: