Nazi Conspiracy & Aggression The report of the next day, 27 August, reads as follows:
"So far as I can judge, German allegations of mass ill-
treatment of German minority by Polish authorities are
gross exaggeration, if not complete falsification.
"2. There is no sign of any loss of control of
situation by Polish civil authorities. Warsaw, and so
far as I can ascertain, the rest of Poland is still
completely calm.
"3. Such allegations are reminiscent of Nazi propaganda
methods regarding Czechoslovakia last year.
[Page 704]
"4. In any case it is purely and simply deliberate
German provocation in accordance with fixed policy that
has since March [when the rest of Czechoslovakia was
seized] exacerbated feeling between the two
nationalities. I suppose this has been done with object
(a) creating war spirit in Germany (b) impressing
public opinion abroad (c) provoking either defeatism or
apparent aggression in Poland.
"5. It has signally failed to achieve either of the two
latter objects.
"6. It is noteworthy that Danzig was hardly mentioned
by Herr Hitler.
"7. German treatment of Czech Jews and Polish minority
is apparently negligible factor compared with alleged
sufferings of Germans in Poland where, be it noted,
they do not amount to more than 10 per cent of
population in any commune.
"8. In face of these facts it can hardly be doubted
that, if Herr Hitler decided on war, it is for the sole
purpose of destroying Polish independence.
"9. I shall lose no opportunity of impressing on
Minister for Foreign Affairs necessity of doing
everything possible to prove that Herr Hitler's
allegations regarding German minority are false." (TC-72 No. 55)
Further corroboration of General Lahousen's affidavit is
contained in a memorandum of a conversation between the
writer and Keitel. That conversation with Keitel took place
on 17 August, and went as follows:
"I reported my conference with Jost to Keitel. He said
that he would not pay any attention to this action, as
the Fuehrer had not informed him, and had only let him
know that we were to furnish Heydrich with Polish
uniforms. He agrees that I instruct the General Staff.
He says that he does not think much of actions of this
kind. However, there is nothing else to be done if they
have been ordered by the Fuehrer, that he could not ask
the Fuehrer how he had planned the execution of this
special action. In regard to Dirschau, he has decided
that this action would be executed only by the Army."
(795-PS)
That was the position at the end of the third week in August
1939. On 22 August the Russian-German Non-aggression Pact
was signed in Moscow. The orders to invade Poland were given
immediately after the signing of that treaty, and the H-hour
was actually to be in the early morning of 25 of August.
[Page 705]
(5) Pleas for peace. On the same date, 22 August, news reached England that the German-Russian agreement was being signed. The significance of that pact from a military point of view to Germany was obvious, and the British government immediately made their position clear in one last hope, that the German government might possibly think better. The Prime Minister wrote to Hitler as follows:
"Your Excellency.
"Your Excellency will have already heard of certain
measures taken by His Majesty's Government, and
announced in the press and on the wireless this
evening.
"These steps have, in the opinion of His Majesty's
Government, been rendered necessary by the military
movements which have been reported from Germany, and by
the fact that apparently the announcement of a German-
Soviet Agreement is taken in some quarters in Berlin to
indicate that intervention by Great Britain on behalf
of Poland is no longer a contingency that need be
reckoned with. No greater mistake could be made.
Whatever may prove to be the nature of the German-
Soviet Agreement, it can not alter Great Britain's
obligation to Poland, which His Majesty's Government
have stated in public repeatedly and plainly, and which
they are determined to fulfill.
"It has been alleged that, if His Majesty's Government
had made their position clear in 1914, the great
catastrophe would have been avoided. Whether or not
there is any force in that allegation, His Majesty's
Government are resolved that on this occasion there
shall be no such tragic misunderstanding.
"If the case should arise, they are resolved, and
prepared, to employ without delay all the forces at
their command, and it is impossible to foresee the end
of hostilities once engaged. It would be a dangerous
illusion to think that, if war once starts, it will
come to an early end even if a success on any one of
the several fronts on which it will be engaged should
have been secured." (TC-72 No. 56).
The Prime Minister therefore urged the German government to
try to solve the difficulty without recourse to the use of
force. He suggested that a truce should be declared while
direct discussions between the two governments, Polish and
German, might take place. Prime Minister Chamberlain
concluded:
"At this moment I confess I can see no other way to
avoid a catastrophe that will involve Europe in war. In
view of the grave consequences to humanity, which may
follow from the
[Page 706]
action of their rulers, I trust that Your Excellency
will weigh with the utmost deliberation the
considerations which I have put before you." (TC-72 No. 56).
The
original plaintext version
of this file is available via
ftp.
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Volume
I Chapter IX
Aggression Against Poland, Danzig, England &
; France
(Part 13 of 21)