Nazi Conspiracy & Aggression "Once Czechoslovakia is conquered -- and a mutual
frontier; Germany-Hungary is obtained -- then a neutral
attitude by Poland in a German-French conflict could
more easily be relied upon. Our agreements with Poland
remain valid only
[Page 384]
as long as Germany's strength remains unshakeable;
should Germany have any setbacks then an attack by
Poland against East Prussia, perhaps also against
Pomerania, and Silesia, must be taken into account.
"Assuming a development of the situation, which would
lead to a planned attack on our part in the years 1943
to '45, then the behavior of France, England, Poland
and Russia would probably have to be judged in the
following manner:
"The Fuehrer believes personally, that in all
probability England and perhaps also France, have
already silently written off Czechoslovakia, and that
they have got used to the idea that this question would
one day be cleaned up by Germany. The difficulties in
the British Empire and the prospect of being entangled
in another long-drawn-out European War, were decisive
factors in the non-participation of England in a war
against Germany. The British attitude would certainly
not remain without influence on France's attitude. An
attack by France, without British support, is hardly
probable assuming that its offensive would stagnate
along our Western fortifications.
Without England's
support, it would also not be necessary to take into
consideration a march by France through Belgium and
Holland, and this would also not have to be reckoned
with by us in case of a conflict with France, as in
every case it would have as a consequence, the enmity
of Great Britain. Naturally we should in every case,
have to bar our frontier during the operation of our
attacks against Czechoslovakia and Austria. It must be
taken into consideration here that Czechoslovakia's
defence measures will increase in strength from year to
year, and that a consolidation of the inside values of
the Austrian Army will also be effected in the course
of years. Although the population of Czechoslovakia, in
the first place is not a thin one, the embodiment of
Czechoslovakia and Austria would nevertheless
constitute the conquest of food for five to six million
people, on the basis that a compulsory emigration of
two million from Czechoslovakia, and of one million
from Austria could be carried out. The annexation of
the two States to Germany, militarily and politically,
would constitute a considerable relief, owing to
shorter and better frontiers, the freeing of fighting
personnel for other purposes, and the possibility of
reconstituting new armies up to a strength of about
twelve Divisions, representing a new Division per one
million population.
[Page 385]
"No opposition to the removal of Czechoslovakia is
expected on the part of Italy; however, it cannot be
judged today what would be her attitude in the Austrian
question, since it would depend largely on whether the
Duce were alive at the time or not.
"The measure and speed of our action would decide
Poland's attitude. Poland will have little inclination
to enter the war against a victorious Germany, with
Russia in the rear.
"Military participation by Russia must be countered by
the speed of our operations; it is a question whether
this needs to be taken into consideration at all, in
view of Japan's attitude.
"Should Case 2 occur -- paralyzation of France by a
Civil War -- then the situation should be utilized at
any time for operations against Czechoslovakia, as
Germany's most dangerous enemy would be eliminated.
"The Fuehrer sees Case 3 looming near; it could develop
from the existing tensions in the Mediterranean, and
should it occur, he has firmly decided to make use of
it any time, perhaps even as early as 1938.
"Following recent experiences in the course of events
of the war in Spain, the Fuehrer does not see an early
end to hostilities there. Taking into consideration the
time required for past offensives by Franco, a further
three years duration of war is within the bounds of
possibility. On the other hand, from the German point
of view, a one hundred per cent victory by Franco is
not desirable; we are more interested in a continuation
of the war and preservation of the tensions in the
Mediterranean. Should Franco be in sole possession of
the Spanish Peninsula, it would mean the end of Italian
intervention and the presence of Italy on the Balearic
Isles. As our interests are directed towards continuing
the war in Spain, it must be the task of our future
policy to strengthen Italy in her fight to hold on to
the Balearic Isles However, a solidification of Italian
positions on the Balearic Isles can not be tolerated
either by France or by England and could lead to a war
by France and England against Italy, in which case
Spain, if entirely in white [Franco's] hands, could
participate on the side of Italy's enemies. A
subjugation of Italy in such a war appears very -
unlikely. Additional raw materials could be brought to
Italy via Germany. The Fuehrer believes that Italy's
military strategy would be to remain on the defensive
against France
[Page 386]
on the Western frontier and carry out operations
against France from Libya, against the North African
French colonial possessions.
"As a landing of French-British troops on the Italian
coast can be discounted, and as a French offensive via
the Alps to Upper Italy would be extremely difficult,
and would probably stagnate before the strong Italian
fortifications, French lines of communication by the
Italian fleet will to a great extent paralyze the
transport of fighting personnel from North Africa to
France, so that at its frontiers with Italy and
Germany, France will have, at its disposal, solely the
metropolitan fighting forces.
"If Germany profits from this war by disposing of the
Czechoslovakian and the Austrian questions, the
probability must be assumed that England -- being at
war with Italy would not decide to commence operations
against Germany. Without British support, a warlike
action by France against Germany is not to be
anticipated.
"The date of our attack on Czechoslovakia and Austria
must be made independent of the course of the Italian-
French-English war and would not be simultaneous with
the commencement of military operations by these three
States. The Fuehrer was also not thinking of military
agreements with Italy, but in complete independence and
by exploiting this unique favorable opportunity, he
wishes to begin to carry out operations against
Czechoslovakia. The attack on Czechoslovakia would have
to take place with the speed of lightning [blitzartig
schnell].
"Fieldmarshal von Blomberg and Generaloberst von
Fritsch in giving their estimate on the situation,
repeatedly pointed out that England and France must not
appear as our enemies, and they stated that the war
with Italy would not bind the French Army to such an
extent that it would not be in a position to commence
operations on our Western frontier with superior
forces. Generaloberst von Fritsch estimated the French
forces which would presumably be employed on the Alpine
frontier against Italy to be in the region of twenty
divisions, so that a strong French superiority would
still remain on our Western frontier. The French would,
according to German reasoning, attempt to advance into
the Rhineland. We should consider the lead which France
has got in mobilization, and quite apart from the very
small value of our then existing fortifications --which
[Page 387]
was pointed out particularly by Generalfieldmarshal von
Blomberg -- the four motorized divisions which had been
laid down for the West would be more or less incapable
of movement. With regard to our offensive in a
Southeasterly direction, Fieldmarshal von Blomberg drew
special attention to the strength of the
Czechoslovakian fortifications, the building of which
had assumed the character of a Maginot Line and which
would present extreme difficulties to our attack.
"Generaloberst von Fritsch mentioned that it was the
purpose of a study which he had laid on for this winter
to investigate the possibilities of carrying out
operations against Czechoslovakia with special
consideration of the conquest of the Czechoslovakian
system of fortifications; the Generaloberst also stated
that owing to the prevailing conditions, he would have
to relinquish his leave abroad, which was to begin on
the 10 November. This intention was countermanded by
the Fuehrer, who gave as a reason that the possibility
of the conflict was not to be regarded as being so
imminent.
In reply to statements by Generalfieldmarshal
von Blomberg and Generaloberst von Fritsch regarding
England and France's attitude, the Fuehrer repeated his
previous statements and said that he was convinced of
Britain's non-participation and that consequently he
did not believe in military action by France against
Germany. Should the Mediterranean conflict already
mentioned, lead to a general mobilization in Europe,
then we should have to commence operations against
Czechoslovakia immediately. If, however, the powers who
are not participating in the war should declare their
disinterestedness, then Germany would, for the time
being, have to side with this attitude.
"In view of the information given by the Fuehrer,
Generaloberst Goering considered it imperative to think
of a reduction or abandonment of our military
undertaking in Spain. The Fuehrer agreed to this,
insofar as he believed this decision should be
postponed for a suitable date.
"The second part of the discussion concerned material
armament questions.
"(Signed) Hossbach". (386-PS)
The
original plaintext version
of this file is available via
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Volume
I Chapter IX
Launching of Wars of Aggression
(Part 5 of 14)