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From: codfish@netcom.com (Ross Vicksell)
Subject: Re: Fred Leuchter (was Re: Revisionist answers)
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Date: Tue, 3 Jan 1995 06:13:11 GMT
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This is an excerpt from a speech Fred gave at the 1992 IHR conference.  
I got it from Greg's www site.  All I've left out is Fred's account of 
his English misadventures, which has little relevance to the topic under 
discussion.

In a day or two I'll post a summary of what Kirk Lyons told me about Fred's 
troubles with the prison officials.

                       Ross Vicksell
________________________________________________________________________

    IS THERE LIFE AFTER PERSECUTION? THE BOTCHED EXECUTION OF FRED LEUCHTER
                                       
   (Presented at the Eleventh IHR Conference, October 1992)
   
   by Fred A. Leuchter, Jr.
   
   Many of you, I am sure, know who I am, where I've been, and what I've
   done. Today I'm here to tell you what has happened to me since I
   addressed the Tenth International Revisionist Conference in
   Washington, DC, in October 1990.
   
   One of my jobs as an engineer of execution technology has been to
   "post mortem" executions from a technical standpoint, that is, to
   determine if anything went wrong and, if so, to determine just how the
   execution was botched. This normally entails reviewing eyewitness
   accounts of how the executees were tortured, mutilated, or otherwise
   dehumanized in society's name.
   
   I will do that here today, except that, in this case, it is myself
   that I post mortem -- and the cadaver isn't dead! Much to the dismay
   of my executioners, the execution was so badly botched that I am able
   to stand here before you to speak the truth, and to tell the world
   that it is not myself, but the Holocaust story that is dead. I repeat
   for the record: I was condemned for maintaining that there were no
   execution gas chambers at Auschwitz, Birkenau, Majdanek, Dachau,
   Mauthausen, or Hartheim Castle. There's no proof for the charge, only
   innuendo, lies, and half-truths. Robert Faurisson, Ernst Zuendel and
   others said this first. They, too, live as victims of botched
   executions, but nevertheless free to speak the truth in a strong and
   growing voice that repeats: No gas chambers, no gas chambers, no damn
   gas chambers!
   
   This address, then, is not a post mortem on my cadaver but rather a
   post mortem by my cadaver.
   
   As you know, I was sent to Poland in 1988 by and for Mr. Ernst Zuendel
   to investigate the alleged execution gas chamber facilities at the
   three concentration camps of Auschwitz, Birkenau, and Majdanek. I was
   chosen for this task from a field of experts numbering one, and
   recommended by those states in the USA where lethal gas chambers are
   used to execute convicted criminals. My forensic analysis and
   subsequent report prove beyond any shadow of a doubt that there were
   no gas execution facilities operated by the Nazis at these sites. I
   also entered these findings (which are also detailed in my published
   report) into the court record in sworn testimony in Toronto as a
   court-qualified expert.
   
   Because I was somewhat naive at the time, I was not aware that by so
   testifying I was offending the organized world Jewish community. By
   providing final, definitive proof that there were no execution gas
   chamber utilized for genocidal purposes by the Germans at these
   wartime camps, I established the simple fact that the Holocaust story
   is not true. What I did not know was that anyone expressing such
   beliefs is guilty of a capital crime: that of thinking and telling the
   unspeakable truth about the greatest lie of the age.
   
   I would have to pay for this crime. While I innocently told the truth
   in Toronto, plans were made, and subsequently implemented, for a major
   effort to destroy me. If I could be destroyed and discredited -- so
   the reasoning went -- no one would accept my professional findings, no
   matter how truthful.
   
Overview

   Since April 1988, when I testified in the second Zuendel trial in
   Toronto about my inspection of the alleged gas chambers in Poland, my
   life has been turned upside down.
   
   I have been vilified both privately and publicly in all forms of the
   media. My clients have been cajoled and threatened into not dealing
   with me. High-level law enforcement officials, acting for personal
   reasons, have lied about me and have prevented clients from dealing
   with me. My person and reputation have been defiled by lies and
   innuendo. My family and I have been repeatedly threatened.
   
   Behind this campaign to punish me and suppress the truth about the gas
   chambers, have been several Jewish organizations, which have publicly
   vowed to silence me by destroying my ability to make a living.
   
   At the forefront of this effort has been Beate Klarsfeld of the
   Paris-based Klarsfeld Foundation. In the United States, the campaign
   has been orchestrated through the US-based "Holocaust Survivors and
   Friends in Pursuit of Justice." Associated with these two
   organizations have been the Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith
   and the Jewish Defense League.
   
   At Klarsfeld's initiative, these groups first carried out an extensive
   one year investigation. After they were unable to turn up any
   impropriety or wrongdoing on my part, they began to threaten prison
   wardens with political consequences if they dealt with me. This first
   came to light when the ABC television news program, "Prime Time,"
   decided to do a network television piece on myself and my work. This
   involved filming at various prisons. Prison wardens advised the "Prime
   Time" personnel of the threats and problems that resulted from my
   presence at the prisons for the filming. ABC news was told not to air
   the program. It refused to succumb to the pressure, and consequently
   suffered vilification by the organizations involved.
   
   To sum up here, this campaign has consisted of the following:
   
    1. Threats against prison officials who dealt with me.
    2. False and slanderous vilification through private channels, as
       well as publicly in newspapers and magazines.
    3. Legislation to prevent me from working at my profession.
    4. Criminal prosecution for working at my profession.
    5. Lies by public officials spread both officially and privately.
    6. Restriction of my personal freedom and right to travel by
       effecting my illegal arrest and imprisonment in England, from
       where I was finally deported.
    7. Interference with my right as an American citizen to help and
       protection from the US State Department, which refused to assist
       me during my illegal imprisonment in England.
       
   As a result of this campaign, my livelihood has been destroyed, and my
   career has been ruined. All this for telling the truth under oath.
   
   The organizations cited above also interfered with the execution in
   Illinois of a certain Mr. Walker by threatening to pass legislation to
   prevent that state from allowing me to complete an ongoing contract.
   As a result, Director McGinnis ultimately yielded to this pressure and
   proceeded with the execution using equipment known to be defective.
   Under pressure from these groups, and through the efforts of Alabama
   Deputy Attorney General, Ed Carnes, the State of Alabama did not
   purchase a new electric chair. Carnes wrote a lying memorandum to all
   Departments of Corrections around the United States claiming that I
   was dangerous and held unorthodox views on execution. He caused the
   State to breach its contract. According to his office, this means I
   support only humane and painless executions. Carnes actually lied to
   me to get me to testify that a prior execution was humane.
   
   As a direct result of interference by these groups, at least one man
   was tortured to death in Virginia. Purchasing agents and wardens have
   been mendaciously told that my equipment failed during an execution,
   which is not true. It has never failed. Delaware Deputy Attorney
   General Silverman breached my contract, which was already underway,
   because I wrote the Zuendel trial Leuchter Report. This contract was
   for maintenance on their lethal injection machine and gallows,
   previously fabricated by me, and for training of their execution
   personnel. Delaware has refused to pay me for the work I completed,
   and has instructed me to keep the control module of their lethal
   injection machine. However, the protocol I wrote for execution by
   hanging was submitted by them and approved by the court system. In
   Massachusetts, legislation specifically designed to put me out of
   business has been filed for four years running.
   
   Finally, and also at the insistence of these same Jewish groups, a
   spurious criminal complaint was filed against me in the Massachusetts
   court system with the intent of destroying my reputation by putting me
   in prison for three months.
   
   I was charged with practicing as an engineer without a license. In
   point of fact, a license is not required in Massachusetts, or any
   other state, unless the engineer is involved in construction of
   buildings, and is certifying compliance with specifications. There is
   also a statutory exemption for engineers who do not deal with the
   general public.
   
   As confirmation of the spurious nature of this charge, it should be
   pointed out there are more than fifty thousand practicing engineers in
   Massachusetts, of whom only five thousand are licensed. Although the
   state's licensing law has been in effect since 1940, there has been no
   record of any prosecution for this offense.
   
   The charge was improperly brought. Nevertheless, if it had been
   successful, and I had been convicted, I would have been imprisoned for
   three months.
   
   The Massachusetts state Engineering Board, under pressure from
   Klarsfeld and her "Holocaust Survivors and Friends in Pursuit of
   Justice," filed this criminal complaint in Middlesex County. The name
   of the complainant was denied me, and was not made available until the
   matter was brought before the court. Before the complaint was issued,
   and several times thereafter, I was given the chance to recant in
   return for non-issuance or dismissal of the complaint. I also would
   have been obliged to give up my profession, in order to discredit my
   Report. I refused, and responded to the Board's threat with a denial
   that any law had been violated. The original clerk magistrate who
   issued the complaint apologized for bowing to Jewish pressure in
   prosecuting me under a statute that was being mis-applied. A
   representative of the ADL tried to force her testimony on the hearing,
   but was denied access because she had no evidence to offer that was
   pertinent to the matter. The District Court judge, in an excellent
   imitation of Pontius Pilate, summarily dismissed our motions for
   dismissal, allowed my court-appointed attorney to withdraw, and
   instructed Kirk Lyons, Director of the Cause Foundation and my
   out-of-state attorney, to re-file our motions for dismissal, because
   they all had merit. After it became clear that there would be no
   justice for us in the Malden District Court, we moved the case to
   Superior Court for a jury trial.
   
   With this charge hanging over my head, it was impossible for me to
   consult, supply equipment, or even act as an expert witness in
   American courts, as I had often done.
   
   The district attorney's office, under heavy pressure from various
   Jewish organizations, selected its best prosecuting attorney to handle
   my case. In the belief that he would be the person most likely to
   bring about a conviction, he was pulled from a murder trial. In June,
   just prior to the trial, our motions for dismissal were heard. The
   judge, also under heavy pressure from Jewish groups, told the district
   attorney that this case was not properly a criminal matter, and
   strongly suggested that the case be resolved short of a trial. With
   the ever-present possibility of conviction and jail (faced by most
   political prisoners) we negotiated a settlement.
   
   A very special consent agreement was signed [on June 11, 1991] that
   made legal history in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. The agreement
   was not a promise by the defendant to the court, as is normally the
   case, but an agreement between the State Engineering Board and myself.
   The board which, on two previous occasions, had refused to accept my
   application for registration because they do not register people who
   practice my discipline, was required to become a party to the
   agreement. [For more on this agreement, see the IHR Newsletter,
   July-August 1991, p. 3.]
   
   The consent agreement requires the board to accept my application and
   process it with "due diligence." Until the application is approved, or
   until two years are up, I have agreed not to use the title "engineer"
   or issue an engineering opinion in the Commonwealth of Massachusetts.
   This is, in effect, a temporary gag order imposed to satisfy the
   interested Jewish groups.
   
   By removing the case from consideration by criminal courts, the
   possibility of my imprisonment has been eliminated. If the Engineering
   Board fails to process and issue a license to me within a reasonable
   period, and in due course, the matter should then move to the civil
   courts. Attorney Lyons is presently preparing the necessary
   application. However, a new problem has arisen. All applications must
   be accompanied by the recommendations of three state-licensed
   engineers, but none is willing to risk the wrath of the Jews in my
   behalf.
   
   The de facto gag order, imposed by the settlement, applies only within
   the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and I am free to pursue my
   profession anywhere else.
   
   Most of the execution equipment in the United States is either worn
   out, obsolete, or improperly fabricated, and is in need of repair or
   replacement. I am the only person who does this work, and states are
   being denied the right to deal with me. Although wardens and
   commissioners are afraid to even speak with me, they often do so
   anyway through intermediaries. One state has a leaking gas chamber,
   but will use it, endangering the lives of guards and witnesses, rather
   than risk discovery in dealing with me. How many more inmates will be
   tortured, or lives lost, through the callous interference of these
   Jewish groups?
   
   Owing to the successful conspiracy of these Jewish groups, I am
   completely out of business, unable to find work to feed my family. In
   spite of everything, though, I am still here, and I am still telling
   the truth. Furthermore, I intend to continue to tell the truth. If the
   organized Jewish community wants to stop me, it will have to try much
   harder.
   
   Moreover, attempts to discredit the Leuchter Report have failed, most
   notably with Pressac's inept analysis. Since the release of the
   Leuchter Report [in 1988], independent evidence has shown that the six
   million death figure has been grossly exaggerated, and an
   investigation by the Polish state forensic institute [among others]
   has corroborated that no gas was utilized in the alleged execution
   chambers at Auschwitz.

   [Account of Fred's brief stay in an English gaol omitted here.]
   
Conclusion

   Unfortunately, my clients -- the state governments -- are still
   intimidated by my Jewish persecutors. This continues to deprive me of
   my income, and it is not at all clear whether this will ever end.
   
   I have been unable to apply for my state engineering license because
   no engineers have been willing to sign papers recommending me (which
   is a requirement), out of fear of retaliation. Without some official
   change in my status, such as a license, even the friendly state
   governments are afraid to deal with me. The major lawsuit we had
   planned against my persecutors is stalled, perhaps permanently,
   because of a lack of funds.
   
   And, although my findings will ultimately be accepted by all, I still
   have no contracts, have been unable to find work and have no income.
   It does not seem that this will improve in the near future.
     _________________________________________________________________

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