The Nizkor Project: Remembering the Holocaust (Shoah)

Shofar FTP Archive File: orgs/canadian/sirc/heritage-front/HF-VII-Reform-Party


This section reviews the wide-ranging allegations that a
CSIS informant took actions that were designed to discredit the
Reform Party of Canada. The Reform Party asked us to investigate
these allegations and to answer a large number of associated
questions. To respond adequately to the Reform Party's request, we
have had to conduct an unusually broad investigation and have
explored all leads which came to our attention. We have attempted
to provide as complete and as accurate an account of what took
place as the available information allows.

On April 6, 1991, the Reform Party of Canada, at its
Fourth Annual Convention in Saskatoon decided to expand into
Ontario and the Maritimes. The decision would be ratified by a
referendum of the members the following month. Reform Party (RP)
officials had already been at work in Ontario to raise public
interest in the Party and they were setting up interim riding

Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating Officer of
the Reform Party of Canada explained that when the Party began to
move into Ontario, a constituency association could be formed in
that province with only 40 members.[2] The Party feared take-over
attempts in its early years, Fryers said, and they had been
concerned about "pockets" of Western extremists, such as Terry Long
in Caroline, Alberta.[3]

Fryers emphasized to the Review Committee that the tenets
of the Reform Party are that all people are created equal and that
the values of the white supremacists are not acceptable to the

   7.1 The First Meeting

The fears of the Reform Party's Executive about infiltration came to 
pass in Ontario during 1991. One of the Toronto area constituency 
associations, Beaches-Woodbine, became the focus of the Heritage 
Front's activities. Hugh Pendergast was the President of the association 
and he went on to be a candidate in that riding. Pendergast initially 
organized the association and he was later assisted by several people 
associated with the extreme right.[5] Prominent among them were: Alan 
Overfield,[6] who owned and operated a bailiff company; Nicola Polinuk, 
Don Andrews' common-law wife; and James Dawson, a Heritage Front member. 
The majority of the riding association members were not extremists.

Pendergast would later tell the Reform Party's Special
Committee which investigated the infiltration attempt that he
initially saw nothing odd in the behaviour of some of the new
members in his riding association. But he said that later on, some
of these people started getting "pushy" and tried to take over the

After the April convention in Saskatoon, the Reform Party
planned to have Preston Manning tour Ontario in June 1991. Reg
Gosse, Chairman of the Ontario Expansion, asked Andrew Flint to set
up the large Reform Party meetings in Ontario (the province was
divided into four sectors for organizational purposes).[8] Flint was
asked to organize major rallies in the Toronto area and he chose
the International Centre in Mississauga, near Toronto's Pearson
International Airport for the first one.[9]

In 1991, Preston Manning had no RCMP protection and no
personal bodyguards to accompany him. The Reform Party leader
depended on local organizers for such arrangements when suddenly
Toronto area interest in the Party exploded and thousands attended
the meetings. The decisions about security were therefore local,
and no one at the national office was monitoring this aspect of
Ontario operations.[10]

In early 1991, the Reform Party in Ontario was concerned
about groups which might disrupt or even possibly try to take over
or at least discredit their fledgling riding associations. One
umbrella group which had already tried to do so was CARP - the
Coalition Against the Reform Party. The group was described in
various news accounts as being a rather mixed bag of
representatives from both the far left and single-issue groups.
[11] CARP disrupted a meeting in the Trinity Spadina riding.

On May 27, 1991, Andrew Flint was at a Beaches-Woodbine
information meeting for the Reform Party in a Church on Woodbine
Avenue. There he met Al Overfield. To highlight the good things
that he could do for Reform, according to Bristow, Alan Overfield
thought that he should display his security people. Overfield
asked his employees to attend and asked Wolfgang Walter Droege to
have several members of the Heritage Front appear at the small
Beaches-Woodbine riding association meeting.[12] Overfield was inside
the meeting where he met Flint, while his team, which included
Droege, Mitrevski, wristow, Dawson and a couple of others, waited
outside, ostensibly doing security for the meeting. At least one of
the Heritage Front people standing outside had no idea why they
were there.[13]

Hugh Pendergast remarked to Andrew Flint that he was somewhat 
intimidated by the size of Overfield's security staff who were lingering 
outside this meeting.[14]

Alan Overfield has described himself as associated with
the Nationalist Party of Canada (NPC) in the past. Through his
early association with Don Andrews and the NPC, Overfield came to
know and eventually employ Wolfgang Droege as a part-time bailiff.
As a result of this relationship and his position within the Reform
Party, Overfield obtained Droege's assistance and through him, the
Heritage Front members, for Reform Party security duties.

Flint was organizing meetings in the Toronto area and
Overfield offered to do security for Reform, free of charge.[15]
Overfield would later tell the Committee that the security group
was the idea of the Reform Party's Executive Council.[16] Flint had
confidence in Overfield's company because as bailiffs, they had to
be licensed by the government. Reg Gosse, Chairman of the Ontario
Expansion of the Reform Party at the time, stated that he asked
Overfield if all of his personnel on the security team were
bailiffs. He said that Overfield replied, "yes" [17] Overfield,
furthermore, was acting as a Director for the Beaches-Woodbine
riding association and neither Flint nor Gosse had any reason to
doubt him.

The Reform Party's Ontario organization was described as
having no money at this time and offers of free services from small
businesses were welcome. When Flint said that bailiffs could
provide security, Ron Wood, Manning's Press Secretary said "OK if
this does not cost any money."[18] Andrew Flint accepted Overfield's
offer to provide security at the upcoming meetings.[19]

John Thompson, a Reform member and advisor, said that the
Party should expect a lot of the CARP people, possibly hundreds, to
show up at the planned major rally in Mississauga.[20] Consequently,
the organizers wanted adequate crowd control, and the Reform leader
Preston Manning had to be protected.

Wolfgang Droege said that he learned about the security
group from Al Overfield. He said that it was Overfield who
suggested that they could influence the Reform Party. Overfield
would later say that it was Grant Bristow's idea (section 7.3 in
this chapter reviews the plots). Droege thinks that he got Grant
Bristow involved. He thought it was also possible, however, that
Overfield approached Bristow.[21]

On June 10, 1991, Toronto Region informed CSIS HQ that
Droege, Bristow, Lincoln and Dawson "were employed as security
people for a recent Reform Party constituency meeting held in
Toronto." The report noted that the placement was organized by Al
Overfield who was a Reform Party member and local organizer. CSIS
learned that the same individuals were again contracted by
Overfield to provide personal security for Reform Party leader
Preston Manning at a major rally to be held in Toronto on June 12,

Al Overfield said that his group performed security
duties twice at a high school in Scarborough, after the Church on
Woodbine meeting. Droege was present but Bristow was not.[22]
Overfield later said that Bristow had done security for "two or
three" or "a couple of riding associations" at a Don Mills school
and at Scarborough Collegiate Institute in April 1991.[23]

Grant Bristow was at only one Reform meeting prior to the
big Mississauga rally.[24] Overfield claimed that Bristow attended
the Scarborough meetings at least twice, and one in Markham (May
1991), probably with Peter Mitrevski and Droege.[25]

Based on the information we collected, we believe that Grant Bristow 
attended only one meeting prior to June 12, 1991 - the Beaches-Woodbine 
information meeting.

   7.2 The International Centre Rally

When the Reform Party decided to hold its major rally at
the International Centre in Mississauga, Andrew Flint asked Al
Overfield to provide security and, as mentioned earlier, this was
agreed to by the coordinator of the Party's expansion into Ontario,
Reg Gosse.[26]

      7.2.1 The Organizing Meeting

Overfield and Flint agreed to meet during the first week
of June 1991 to go over security arrangements at the International
Centre. Flint met with Overfield, Bristow and the International
Centre's head of security to make arrangements for the rally. This
was Flint's first exposure to Grant Bristow; Overfield had
mentioned that Bristow would attend the meeting.[27]

The Source said that a few days before the Mississauga
rally, Droege had said to Grant Bristow: "I need your help to do
security for the Reform Party" . The Source said he informed his
handler that Overfield and Bristow would attend the meeting.[28]

On the way in to the International Centre, Bristow saw a
former employer who is Jewish and who introduced him to his
companion, saying "I made him (Bristow) what he is today"[29]

At the planning meeting, Bristow really stood out, said
Flint. He was an immaculate dresser, his shoes sparkled, he wore
a neatly trimmed beard, and overall he appeared clean-cut. Bristow
made an impression on him as being articulate and intelligent. His
knowledge of security issues was deemed excellent by Flint and the
Centre's Head of Security. For Flint, the Mississauga rally was to
be the first major event and it was a learning experience. Flint
said Bristow did most of the talking at the meeting and generally
dominated the conversation.[30]

In that meeting, Bristow described his role as the "drop
man" - the person who would shadow Preston Manning from the time he
arrived at the rally to the time he left. Bristow would be the
person who would deflect any attack from an assailant. To do so, he
would have to closely follow Manning all the time he was in the
hall.[31] Overfield denied that the meeting ever took place.[32]

The Source reported that Overfield decided that some
people should be posted to various spots in the International
Centre. Bristow suggested that the potentially dangerous types,
the Skinheads, be posted well away from Manning.33 Wolfgang Droege
would tell SIRC in 1994 that Bristow wanted to have the role of
Manning's personal bodyguard, and Grant "elected himself" to handle

Grant Bristow was also going to be the liaison person with the Peel 
Regional Police who had a sub-station in the Enternational Centre. 
Overfield said that Bristow happened to know the Inspector at the local 

      7.2.2 The Mississauga Rally

Al Overfield stated that he was the person who assigned
the security roles for the team at all Reform Party meetings.[35]
Overfield said that he decided ahead of time who was required. On
the night of the Mississauga rally, June 12, 1991, there were
perhaps a dozen of Overfield's security people present. Then
Overfield, Bristow, Whit Gibson and Jerry Young met in a cafeteria
to assign everyone their specific positions.[36]

The primary task for the security group was to keep CARP
people away and to guard Preston Manning. The security group was
divided into twot with one section outside to watch CARP and the
other on the inside for crowd control and to protect Manning.[37]
Inside the International Centre, a crowd estimated at 6,000
gathered to hear Preston Manning's speech.

Overfield was supposed to be protecting Preston Manning
but he had too much to do and so he delegated the job to Bristow.
He spent most of his time "fighting fires" , and admitted that he
was not actually around Bristow and Manning that much.[38] Overfield
said that although skinheads were not invited to the meeting, there
might have been former skinheads in the crowd, but they were 
appropriately dressed and had cleaned up their act.[39]

Bristow was supposed to have supplied the security equipment 
for the security team, Overfield said, but all he ever brought were 
walkie talkies, which "were virtually useless".[40]

Manning was picked up at the airport and driven to the back 
door of the Centre where Bristow and Peter Mitrevski were waiting. 
Steve Erickson might also have helped. The group walked through the 
back corridors to the "green room" where Manning was met by Deborah 
Grey, Gordon Shaw, Reg Gosse, Andrew Flint and the security people.[4l]

Andrew Flint said that he "highly doubts" that serious 
discussions took place in this environment, with all of these people 
present.[42] Reg Gosse had the same response.[43] Ron Wood, Preston Manning's 
Press Secretary, remained close to Manning throughout the rally and 
stated unequivocally that no sensitive Party discussions took place.[44]

SIRC received information that Droege told a reporter that 
Bristow had been shadowing Manning. The reporter asked if Bristow had 
taken notes. Droege said he did not know but Bristow potentially could 
have because Bristow was privy to Manning's private conversations.

Alan Overfield said that Bristow had "a considerable 
conversation with Mr. Manning." Overfield also told us that "I introduced 
myself to Mr. Manning and I had a short discussion with him regarding my 
political background again."[45] Mr. Manning denies that this conversation 
ever took place.

Bristow, as agreed during the planning meeting, stayed
relatively close behind Manning wherever he walked. Bristow
remained at the bottom of the stage when Manning was on the
platform. When Manning walked off the stage, Bristow followed him
to the "green room" where Manning thanked the six or seven security
people for their "excellent job".[46] Manning has said that he does
not remember Bristow from the event. The Source informed the Review
Committee that Bristow never overheard any conversations between
Preston Manning and his staff.

Based on the information we received, the Review
Committee is of the opinion that Grant Bristow was not privy to
sensitive information.

The event over, the security detail walked Manning to the
back door where Bristow and three others got into the "chase car"
to follow Manning's car to the airport. Bristow and the others
were back at the Centre in 10 or 15 minutes to help collect the
money buckets at the end of the evening to give to the organizers.
The evening over, the Overfield security team left.[47]

      7.2.3 CARP Summer

Membership in the Reform Party after the big Mississauga
rally in June 1991 styrocketed in Ontario and many ridings had
public/town hall meetings. At the Trinity Spadina meeting, more
people from CARP than Reform people showed up and the former seized
the microphone and tried to take over the meeting. The meeting was
cancelled - other ridings in the Toronto area feared a re-

Due to the effective performance of the Overfield
security team in Mississauga, several ridings contacted Al
Overfield directly or through the Beaches-Woodbine association
asking him to attend and keep an eye on things.[49] The security
group was present at a Broadview Greenwood riding meeting, for
example, just after the major rally.[50] At the meetings, Overfield
said, they would attempt to be unobtrusive, and gently escort out

On June 19, 1991, an article about Wolfgang Droege and his racist beliefs 
appeared in the "Toronto Star":

   "But Droege does take some comfort in the current political 
   mood of the nation, most notably the public's positive response to 
   the Reform Party.  While Preston Manning would likely shudder receiving 
   the Heritage Front's seal of approval, the fact is, he's got it. 
   'They have given us some hope.'"[52]

      7.2.4 The Legion Hall

During July 9, 1991, the security group was at a Legion
Hall on Dawes Road for the founding of the Beaches-Woodbine
constituency association. The interim board for the riding closed
on this date. The election of executive officers closed on July
30, 1991. Grant Bristow, dressed in blue jeans and a light blue
shirt, was outside the hall with Wolfgang Droege doing perimeter
security on the property line which separated the Legion Hall from
the street. Al Overfield has stated that 10 people from CARP
appeared at the hall to protest.[53] The protesters were walking
around the street and Bristow and Droege were doing the same thing.
Al Overfield was elected to the riding executive as one of 12 board

Overfield's security group provided services through the
summer - Flint estimates three to five times through the summer of
1991; he did not know if Bristow was present.[55] Overfield then told
the Committee that Bristow was present at two meetings: one at
a Scarborough school and the other at the Legion Hall described

People's memories about the meetings which Grant Bristow
attended during the summer and fall of 1991 are poor. Al Overfield
thinks that perhaps Bristow appeared two or three times (he thinks
Bristow may have sat outside in his car at a Scarborough meeting).[57]
Wolfgang Droege estimated that Bristow may have attended five
Reform meetings in all.[58]

Al Overfield wanted Bristow to go to Reform Party meetings and 
fundraisers, beyond those reported here, but Bristow said that he 
never did so. Overfield said that Bristow usually appeared when an 
important Reform Party figure was present.

The Source stated that Bristow was present only at the
Legion Hall on Dawes Road.59 By the fall of 1991, CARP had
disbanded and was a non-issue.

   7.3 The Plots Against Reform

In the course of the Review Committee's investigation, we
learned of several plans by members of the extreme right and those
who allied themselves with the racists, to discredit the Reform
Party. Two such plans are described below. A third plot is
described later in the report.

Overfield met Don Andrews in 1967 and became an active
member of the organization that Andrews and Paul Fromm founded, the
Edmund Burke Society.[60]

On February 23, 1972, the right wing Edmund Burke Society
became the white supremacist Western Guard. The leader of the
former and member of the latter, Paul Fromm, succeeded in taking
over the Ontario wing of the national Social Credit Party. 61 The
national president of the Social Credit Party then placed the
entire Ontario Branch under his personal trusteeship to counter
Fromm's activities. According to one author, among the four
members of the Western Guard who ran for Social Credit was one Alan
Overfield.[62] He ran in the Beaches Woodbine riding and was expelled
from the national Party, but not the provincial group.[63]

Though Ernest Manning was the leader of the Party, the
members of the Ontario wing blamed Preston Manning, his son, for
the organization being placed in trusteeship. Fromm told SIRC that
"I don't trust Preston Manning."[64]

One year after the formation of the Western Guard, the
name changed to the Western Guard Party. The leader was Don
Andrews who established a special cadre to distribute leaflets,
paint racist messages on buildings and harass Jews and Blacks.[65]

Among its members was Wolfgang Droege. One of its para-military
group "soldiers" was Alan Overfield.[66] In 1973, Overfield says that
he founded the Canadian Liberty League "as an alternative to the
Western Guard."[67]

Andrews subsequently formed the Nationalist Party of
Canada (NPC) in which Al Overfield was a member. Overfield says it
is possible he was a member of the NPC but he did not remember.[68]
Overfield produced a list of the weapons that would be required for
the ill-fated coup attempt against Dominica; the attempt resulted
in a three year prison sentence for Droege.[69]

Bristow was informed that Overfield and Fromm felt that Preston Manning 
could have protected them and the others in the far right years ago in 
Social Credit Party days and did not do so.[70]

Through his association with Andrews and the NPC,
Overfield "came to know and eventually employed Wolfgang Droege as
a part-time bailiff." Overfield considered himself a friend to
Wolfgang Droege and would not "turn his back on him. Droege
confided in Overfield."[71] As a result of this relationship and his
position within the Reform Party, Overfield obtained Droege's
assistance for Reform Party security duties.

Overfield told the Review Committee that he had been
inactive in politics for 15 years, "but it was in his blood" and
when Reform came along, he decided that it was close to his beliefs
and he was one of the first to join in Ontario.[72] He said that
before he joined, "he let the Reform Party executive know about his
political past, and they had no problems with it." He said that he
informed them that he had been a member of the Edmund Burke
Society. He apparently did not mention his long involvement with
the Nationalist Party of Canada.

Al Overfield stated that he was signed up in the Reform
Party by Harry Robertson.[73] Robertson has no memory of that taking
place.[74] Overfield has also stated that Stephen Harper, MP knew his
background.[75] Harper had no recollection of meeting or even
speaking with Overfield. Harper explained that in 1989-90, he was
giving the Party's platform a strategic focus and was working out
of MP Deborah Grey's office He was building issues into the
Reform Party's platform to actively discourage extremists and "nut

All of Harper's files during that period were given to
Reg Gosse. Harper asked Gosse to find his material when Dunphy's
expose article came out in late February 1992. Gosse said he was
not able to locate the files in question."

Overfield described himself as an "activistn who filled
a void in the Party: he organized, recruited and provided
personnel. By doing so, he said he worked his way onto the
executive by helping Hugh Pendergast. At the time, said Overfield,
he protected Hugh Pendergast from internal and external attacks.
Overfield stated that Pendergast eventually learned to recognize
attaaks on his own.[78] Overfield later told the Committee that
Pendergast was not weak but lacked interpersonal skills.[79]

Overfield said he joined the Reform Party in January or
February 1991.[80]

      7.3.1 Overfield's Plan

On July 5, 1991, Toronto Region forwarded CSIS HQ a letter which was 
sent to all Reform Party Ridinqs. The letter stated:


This letter will confirm that Alan J. Overfield and
Grant Bristow are jointly responsible for the
security of all present and future Reform Party
Events that are planned for this region. They have
been given our full co-operation and permission to
ensure the safety of our guests and members.

If you have any further questions in this regard, I
would be pleased to discuss their responsibilities
in further detail with you.


Andrew A. Flint
Regional Co-ordinator"

Grant Bristow stated that Overfield asked for the letter
in order to receive recognition and to show that he was appointed.

Grant Bristow's name was included in the letter because he said:
"Unless we have a letter of understanding, there could be legal
liabilities if there was a confrontation with protestors at a
Reform Party event".[81]

CSIS received no reporting on Reform Party activities or
events. Bristow's involvement was described as security for Party
events. The Source would be in a position to monitor this (white
supremacist) situation. CSIS HQ was asked to comment on the matter
and did so in August 1991 (see section 5.4, Headquarter's
Enstructions and Debates).

Just prior to the Mississauga rally, on June 10, 1991, it
was learned that Overfield was one of the Directors of the Beaches-
Woodbine Reform Party riding association. Overfield had stated that
he had a couple of men who were going to handle (i.e., protect)
Manning because the police were refusing to give any assistance.
Overfield informed a colleague that CARP announced that they would
send eight busloads of people to protest the appearance of Preston
Manning at the rally near Toronto.

Overfield's plant he confided to extreme right wing
colleague Paul Fromm, was to unify all the right wing people into
one cohesive organization. He was pushing to infiltrate, literally
take control of, ten or twelve Riding Associations in Metro
(Toronto). Even if they did not win the Riding Associations in an
election, at least they would have control. The attraction of
Reform for Overfield and like-minded persons, he said was that it
was strictly white bread, 100 percent white Canadians, really anti-
immigration; there was really no difference between those people
and them (Overfield's group). 

Wolfgang Droege would say that it was Grant Bristow who
thought that some ridings could be controlled by the Heritage
Front.[82] He would later tell the Review Committee that Overfield
said that "he could arrange for us to have a security team and with
doing security we could also then have a certain influence within
the Party."[83]

We learned that Overfield said that he dove in (to the
Reform Party) a couple of months ago and so far had worked within
the Party, just playing the party worker, mainly because he did not
want them pulling a Social Credit (manoeuvre), outlawing them
overnight and they did not want to shoot themselves in the foot
when they got even close to power or got a chance at it.

Overfield said he had sent a message to rival Don Andrews
that if he tried to join the RP he would fight him tooth and nail.
He thought instead Andrews would plod along with his stupid
Nationalist Party (of Canada). He would fight Andrews entering the
RP even though Reform said they would accept anyone whose heart was
in the right place.

Droege too was to later say to the Review Committee that
"their (Heritage Front) involvement, however, was not questioned by
the Reform Party; the HF was 'not an issue', even though we were
one of the main organizers".[84]

Through the Source, CSIS corroborated the existence of
OxerfieRd's puan that the Whies Supremacist movAment should take
control of at least tweive local riding associations. The purpose
of this action was to form a voting block of "targets of influence"
within the Reform Party's political apparatus. Once successful,
the block would push senior Party executives to adopt policies
favourable to the White Supremacist movement. An example of such
a policy would be a call for reductions in non-white immigrants
into Canada and tough restrictions on refugees.

In October 1991, Overfield was looking for a few people
for the Reform Party because there was some trouble in the area
between Markham and Victoria Park and Eglinton and Elsemere and
there was a good chance they could take over the riding association.

      7.3.2 Droege's Plan

Al Overfield was not the only one with a hidden agenda.
The Service learned from a Source that Droege too had clandestine
plans. As far as Droege was concerned, the Reform Party was
threatening the momentum of the White Supremacist Movement. The
Reform Party had to be disrupted so that the Movement could carry
out its own political agenda.

Droege held a view common to those in the extreme right
that the same situation occurred in the United Kingdom when the
Conservative Party undermined the National Socialist Party's
momentum, and in the end the Neo-Nazi organization fell apart.
Droege wanted to prevent the same situation from happening in

The Source reported Droege as having said that the White
Supremacist Movement wanted to discredit Preston Manning and the
Reform Party before the general election in 1993. This idea would
be accomplished by the Movement publicly identifying itself and its
security relationship with the Reform Party's senior executive
level. Among those who allegedly knew of the Droege plan were
Gerry Lincoln, James Dawson, Ernst Zundel, Terry Long, Jurgen
Neumann, Peter Mitrevski, and Grant Bristow. Zundel and Lincoln
denied knowledge of any plot.

The Source stated that Droege believed that by getting
involved with the Reform Party, eventually the media would take
notice and Droege hoped they would wait until the 1993 election
before burning the Reform Party.[85]

The Source reported on July 31, 1991 that a discussion
with Droege at times became heated as the Source tried to point out
the negative aspects for the movement, including possible Federal
Government security interest in Droege's involvement with the
Reform Party. Droege responded that he did not want to think about
the retribution. He said don't tell Overfield because Preston is
a big boy.[86]

The Source informed his handler about the hidden agendas
of Overfield and Droege and was instructed to do what he was told
and that the handler would get direction on this.[87]

In the end, Droege stated that he and other Heritage
Front people would continue to perform security duties with or
without the assistance of the Source. Toronto Region understood
that Droege and his associates received no compensation for their
security work, but undertook this activity as a favour for

The Region took care to point out that there was no
investigation of Reform Party activities, but rather, the actions
of Wolfgang Droege were of CSIS' interest. Toronto Region believed
that Droege's activities with the Reform Party were going to
continue. Because of this, the Source should continue to
participate in the security duties to allow CSIS to monitor the
White Supremacist infiltration and disruption activity within the
Reform Party. Due to the political sensitivities associated with
the Source operation, the Region's Investigator and his Chief
requested Headquarters comment and approval.

On August 1, 1991, the Director General of Toronto Region
discussed this matter with the Assistant Director Requirements at
Headquarters. The Deputy Director General Operations in Toronto
Region asked that the issue be brought to the attention of the
Assistant Director.

      7.3.3 Early Warnings

A CSIS employee was a volunteer Director of Medberships
for a Toronto area Reform Party riding association. Returning from
his holidays on July 16, 1991, a co-worker told the CSIS employee
that Droege had been on TV at a Reform Party meeting. On July 18,
1991, the Service employee met with Paul Kelly, President of the
Scarborough West riding association and the two watched a videotape
of the event. The Service staff member asked Kelly if he knew who
Droege was. Relly stated he believed Droege was with security.
The CSIS employee stated nthat guy is no good for this party. n When
Kelly asked why, the reply was "look, I know".

The Service member said he was not divulging classified
information "since an article had appeared in the Toronto Star on
the l9th of June identifying Droege as a white supremacist".[88] The
employee advised Paul Kelly to bring this to the attention of
Andrew Flint, and asked to be kept out of it.

On July 30, 1991, the CSIS employee visited Kelly's house
to pick up some membership cards. He alleged that Flint was also
there and asked Flint what he thought of the article. Flint was
said to have stated he would not knowingly use him again for a
party funct_on. Word got back to Droege that a member of CSIS
informed the Reform Party that Droege was a white supremacist.

Paul Kelly told the Review Committee that he had been
informed that some Reform people were also in the Heritage Front;
they may have included Overfield. Kelly was uncertain about the
timing of these comments. Kelly said he would have spoken to
Andrew Flint about the matter.[89]

The Service's assessment of the consequences likely to
flow from the actions of its employee at the time was that the
reaction of the Reform Party was difficult to predict. There might
have been some attempt to imply that the Service was investigating
the Reform Party although they thought that unlikely since the
Party would not want its association with Droege publicized. The
Internal Security Unit in Toronto Region reviewed the incident.

On August 4, 1991, it was learned that it was actually Al
Overfield himself who identified Droege as a racist to Reform Party
people. According to one report, Flint learned from Reform Party
member Paul Kelly that Droege was a serious problem. Kelly would
not explain what the problem was and that may have prompted Flint
to question Overfield.

Andrew Flint has stated that he does not have any memory
of being informed in 1991 that Droege was a serious problem, nor
that he reported the incident described above to other officials in
the Reform Party. He said that Paul Kelly recently told him about
the incident, but Flint still does not remember it.90 When SIRC
interviewed the CSIS employee in 1994, he said the events described
above were possible, but he too did not remember meeting Flint.[91]

Overfield told the Review Committee that a CSIS member
approached him about the security team and Overfield threatened to
expose him. Overfield then said he was advised by the Reform Party
"to dispose of Mr. [ ]" and he asked him to resign, which he did.
Overfield also stated that Reform Party member John Thompson
claimed to be a member of CSIS.[92] John Thompson flatly denied
Overfield's assertion. We believe Thompson's version on this
issue .

On July 22, 1991, Al Muxworthy from the Don Valley North
riding made a courtesy call on Bernie Farber, the Director of
Community Relations for the Canadian Jewish Congress. Farber
expressed concern to him about Droege's public endorsement of the
Reform Party in the June 19, 1991 article in the "Toronto Star" .
The article did not say Droege was a member.[93]

Two days later, Muxworthy wrote to the Executive Secretary to Preston 
Manning to express his concern; he attached a copy of the article. The 
letter disappeared and was never found.[94]

      7.3.4 Signing Up for the Reform Party

Prior to the Mississauga rally, it was learned that
Overfield was dealing with Andrew Flint who was the East End
Toronto organizer and part of the Ontario Executive. Overfield
said he was unofficially made a Director for the Beaches Woodbine
area and he was signing up everybody in sight for the Reform Party.
The Party, he alleged, would accept anybody, they knew who they
(Overfield et al.) were, but unofficially the Party was saying keep
your mouth shut.

Overfield told the Review Committee that, at the time,
Heritage Front membership was not a bone of contention. He believed
that the Reform Party "played stupid" about such connections, but
knew well the background of many of its new members. He said that
the Reform Party had Klan members out West: "'racists' are not in
the Reform Party closet".[95] The Reform Party Chairman has
completely denied this assertion.[96]

Overfield says that he saw Grant Bristow pay for all
Heritage Front memberships. He also said that Bristow was
constantly recruiting for the Reform Party among the young fellows
(Skinheads), which led him into arguments with Overfield following
the meetings. Overfield said that Bristow would later tell him
that "we can get control over this Party" but Overfield said that
he did not want Bristow to recruit.[97] We learned that Overfield
admitted that he personally signed up the skinheads. We saw no
reliable evidence that Bristow was involved in this activity.

Overfield said that he did not know who was with the
Heritage Front when he signed up new memberships. He said that he
was never asked, and never offered information about the Heritage
Front membership of the security personnel.[98] On another occasion,
Overfield told the Review Committee that he signed up "ten to
twelve people from the Heritage Front and Bristow encouraged five
other people to join".[99] Finally, under oath, Overfield said he
recruited 22 members for the Reform Party, five of whom were in the
Heritage Front: Peter Mitrevski, Nicola Polinuk, Droege, Zvominir
Lelas and Tony Cinncinato. He said he was unaware at the time that
the latter two were associated with the HF.[100]

The Source has stated that Grant Bristow was nearby when
Overfield was signing people up at his house in the basement or the
backyard. Overfield tried to get Droege to join the Reform Party
but the latter refused to pay the $10 fee to join the Party, as he
did not think much of Preston Manning. Overfield provided the money
for Droege's membership and threatened to take it off his cheques
from the bailiff company.[101] Droege told the Review Committee that
he paid for his membership.

Droege has said that he was not present at the time; his
interests were not with the Reform Party, but with the Heritage
Front, though he thought they might potentially be able to
influence it.[102] On another occasion, Droege told the Committee
that he did suggest to people that they sign up, but Al Overfield
"was actively trying to sign up members".[103] Droege said that he
never witnessed Grant Bristow trying to sign people up for the
Reform Party, though he heard about it.

Droege stated that he and Bristow talked about "sending
people into Reform, trying to get them on riding associations so we
could have input and maybe influence policy down the road".[104]

The Source was asked to join the Reform Party by
Overfield. The Source responded that Overfield was late and gave
the impression that he had already done so. The Source had been
told not to join by the handler. The Source could not remember
making a speech encouraging people to join the Reform Party, but
might have done so after Droege asked him to do it.[105]

When the membership book came out at various meetings,
the Source said that he made himself "scarce". In regard to who
paid the Reform Party fees for Heritage Front member-s, the Source
only observed that Overfield paid for Droege's membership. Whereas
the Source did not provide money to other people, he said that he
may have assisted Overfield to get information on the sign-up
forms; this would have been done at the request of Droege or
Overfield and certainly the Source had no authority to sign up
anyone.[106] Droege's colleague Paul Fromm told SIRC, in relation to
Droege, "I certainly have heard him say back at the time that
people should join the Reform Party".[107]

The Source stated that he may have been involved when one
person joined - a college instructor completely unaffiliated with
the extreme right wing.[108]

Wolfgang Droege has said that he did not attend the June
1991 C-FAR meeting.[109] Bristow has indicated that he was only at
Reform or C-FAR meetings where Droege was present.[110]

Paul Fromm testified before the Review Committee that
Overfield set up a table at the C-FAR meeting "to take Reform Party
memberships and Grant Bristow was actively involved in trying to,
you know, shepherd people over to the table and get them to sign
up". Fromm explained that the reason he allowed Overfield to set
up the table was: "We generally take the view: Look, if you've got
some information you want to pass on, we're a forum, pass it on.
So we said: Fine, set up your table". [111]

Overfield said that he attended only one C-FAR meeting.
Prior to that meeting, Overfield said that Hugh Pendergast thought
it would be a good idea to set up a table there. Overfield said
that Pendergast came in with the table, and Tony Cincinnato [112] and 
Fromm had an argument because Fromm had not been consulted beforehand. 
Fromm, said Overfield, apparently does not like the Reform Party and had 
had a falling out with Preston Manning. [113]

Hugh Pendergast told the Committee that he "heard" that Bristow actively 
encouraged people to sign the Reform Party memberships at the 1991 C-FAR 
meeting. He stated that Bristow was buzzing around the meeting while 
Overfield was quietly sitting at the sign-up table at the back of the hall. 
The people in the hall were encouraged to pay a $10 Reform Party membership 
fee and make a $10 donation. [114]

Overfield said that he, Tony Cinncinato and Hugh Pendergast were encouraging 
sign-ups.[115] Overfield said that Bristow got Heritage Front people to sign 
up using Overfield's book. This was normally done after the meetings were 
over and people were milling around.[116] When asked why he did not report 
this activity to the Reform Party, he said he "Kept his mouth shut and let 
a person here and there know"; when asked who he told, he replied, "Andrew 
Flint". When asked again why he co-signed for the new Heritage Front 
members, he said "it was not my job to say 'you can't join'" the Party.[117] 

In March 1993, it was learned that Al Overfield promised to dig up a 
Reform Party membership card so that Droege could copy it. Droege said 
that he was thinking about issuing membership cards to HF members.

In regard to the June meeting of Paul Fromm's C-FAR, the Source said that 
he had no knowledge of whether Overfield sold Reform Party memberships there. 
The Source stated that any sign-ups could have been as a result of revenge: 
Fromm, Andrews  and Overfield were all members of the old Social Credit  
Party in Ontario. They thought that Preston Manning  could have stopped 
their expulsions. Around this time,  Fromm was involved with the 
Confederation of Regions  Party and the Source could not see Fromm doing 
this as a favour to Reform.[118] 

In November 1991, it was learned that Overfield  and Peter Mitrevski were 
to do security at Broadview  and Greenwood "for a riding association going 
together."  Overfield said that all the young skinheads he had  signed up 
out there would go.

As noted earlier, Al Overfield, in the whole  time he was a member of the 
Reform Party signed-up only  twenty-two members. He told the Review 
Committee that,  of this twenty-two, "only five were HF members; the  
other sixteen were not at all associated with the extremist group." 

In the autumn of 1991, James Dawson and Nicola  Polinuk were described as 
district directors in the  Beaches-Woodbine riding. Hugh Pendergast noted 
they  were seeking election to the executive.[ll9] 

   7.4 Headquarters Instructions and Debates

      7.4.1 CSIS HQ Instructions

In August 1991, the Human Sources Branch in CSIS  HQ responded to a 
Toronto Region suggestion (July 30,  1991) that the Source remain in 
place with the security  group for the Reform Party meetings. The 
response,  which was actually provided by the Chief of the Desk dealt 
with two issues.

The first issue for the Desk was:

   * the extent to which Droege's activities with respect to the 
     Reform Party were germane to CSIS' investigation of the  
     political leadership of the extreme Right Wing.

The Chief concluded that Droege's involvement in the Reform Party was 
not central to the focus of the Service's investigation: "the capability 
of Droege and  others in the Right Wing political leadership to plan, 
direct and initiate acts of violence to advance their racist agenda". 
Consequently, the involvement in the Reform Party was "not of concern 
in itself".

The second issue was:

   * whether the source's credibility and access would be affected 
     by the Source's response to Droege's plans.

As the Source appeared to be a trusted confidante of Droege, the Chief 
thought the relationship could withstand a difference of opinion. 
Consequently, "I am more inclined to direct Source to disengage from 
any activity whereby Source could become associated with the Reform Party".

On August 8, 1991, the Human Sources Branch at CSIS HQ instructed the 
Region: "Please direct the Source to avoid Reform Party activities".

The next day (August 9, 1991), the Assistant Director Requirements at 
CSIS HQ added his voice to the matter. He stated that he agreed with the 
CSIS HQ response, but he wanted the point made more firmly:

   "There is no apparent reason to be involved, therefore, Source should 
   not be. If TR has arguments to the contrary, we will listen but in the 
   interim no activities in/with the Party. Please ensure that Source does 
   not/not involve himself with any Reform Party activities in any form. "

On August 23, 1991, Toronto Region Investigator informed "the Source has 
been directed to refrain from further activities and has agreed to these 
instructions." In the same message, Toronto Region expressed the concern

   "Wolfgang Droege and his colleagues in the NPC who are involved in 
   the periphery of Reform Party activities may suggest that the CSIS 
   is investigating the Reform Party even though this is not true.

   HQ may wish to consider the feasibility of debriefing the leader of 
   the Reform Party of the Service's interest in individual(s) who support 
   the White Supremacist movement that may have connections to the Reform 
   Party but at the same time assure the leader that we are not/not 
   investigating the Party." 

On August 28, 1991, three managers in the  Human Sources Branch and the 
Counter-Terrorism  Branch at Headquarters stated their view that:

   "A certain threshold of danger would have to present itself before 
   it would be feasible to consider debriefing the leader of the Reform 
   Party, regarding certain white supremacists connections within. The 
   present circumstances would not seem to warrant this action."

The Service view was that the decision not to  inform the Reform Party did 
not violate the CSIS  mandate, but to have done so might have been  
construed as a violation and also jeopardized the  Source's security.

      7.4.2 Whether to Tell the Reform Party 

SIRC interviews with CSIS managers from HQ and Toronto Region and the 
Deputy Director of  Operations and Analysis revealed that all are of a  
mind that the Source was indeed directed to leave  the security group. 
The instructions from CSIS HQ  for the Source to refrain from Reform 
Party  activities appeared to be clear and although that  should have 
been the end of the issue, this may not  have happened. The instructions 
did not actually  specify that the Source leave the security group. The 
Source attended the Pickering rally. 

To place the issue in context, the Overfield  security Group's activities 
took place during a  period of transition at the executive level in CSIS.  
The Deputy Director Operations and Analysis (DDO)  was the Acting Director, 
for a considerable time in  the Summer and Fall of 1991.

The Deputy Director Operations and Analysis  informed the Review Committee 
that he and the  Assistant Director Requirements (ADR) made the  decision 
not to inform the Reform Party as the  situation was not sufficiently 
egregious that it  warranted that kind of action.[120] 

The DDO said that the Service had no mandate,  in fact, no lawful authority 
to tell Mr. Manning  anything. Another option that he noted was to go to  
the Minister or the Privy Council Office and let the  latter talk to 
Mr. Manning. The DDO said that if the  investigation had been within the 
CSIS mandate, it  could have been construed as an attempt to subvert a  
democratic institution. That would fall under 2(d) of the CSIS Act, and 
the Minister's approval would have been needed.

The DDO said that he and the Assistant Director Requirements decided that 
the Reform Party was perfectly capable of policing itself, cleansing its 
own ranks, and taking care of itself; our job was not to keep undesirables 
out of the Party.  He believes that he "probably did tell the Director" 
and that government agencies were informed about the attempts through the 
CSIS Reports.[122]

We saw no written evidence that the issue was brought to the attention of 
the Director during the Summer or the Fall of 1991.

      7.4.3 Briefing Note to the Director

The new Director, Raymond Protti, arrived on October 1, 1991 and the 
briefings began on the key issues and operations in the Service.

On January 9, 1992 a Briefing Note was sent to the Director who had asked 
for details on any targets or sources of the Service who may have been 
involved with the Reform Party. The request arose during a general 
briefing about Human Sources.

The Director was informed that:

   "The Reform Party has never been investigated by the Service."

The Note did say, however, that there were a few instances where Service 
investigations on mandated targets had surfaced peripheral information 
regarding the Reform Party.  

Among the issues described were:

   * In 1989 the Service was told that an unidentified individual had 
     donated significant funds to Preston Manning's 1988 political 
     campaign on behalf of a foreign government. The three month 
     investigation failed to substantiate the allegation. (We review 
     this investigation in section VIII.)

   * A proposal to investigate suspicions  about a foreign intelligence  
     service's contacts with the Reform  Party by developing a source in 
     the  Party was not approved.  

   * Through his employer, Wolfgang Droege provided security for the 
     Reform Party at meeting's in Toronto. The source was directed to 
     report only that information related to the CSIS mandate.

The Counter-Terrorism Branch pointed out  that three other Droege 
associates were also  providing security, but CSIS was interested in them  
only because of their white supremacist activities.

The Briefing Note concluded by reiterating  that CSIS was "sensitive to 
investigations that touch on the  Party and have issued appropriate 
direction to ensure that only targets' activities related only to our 
mandate are reported." 

      7.4.4 CSIS Reports on the Infiltration Attempts

CSIS reported on the infiltration of the  Reform Party by the Heritage 
Front in two of their  CSIS Reports and one Threat assessment. These  
reports were routinely given wide distribution  within the Federal 
Government's intelligence  community.

In the report dated August 23, 1991 entitled  the Extreme Right and 
Racist Skinheads, CSIS stated  that "Droege encouraged members of the 
Heritage Front to  become involved with the Reform Party which seems to 
be viewed as a  formidable rival by extreme right-wing figures" ,  Droege 
hoped  to discredit the Reform Party which he thought  would eventually 
benefit the extreme right-wing.  The Service believed that Preston 
Manning was  unaware of Droege's involvement in the security  group 
which protected him.

Although this report would have been sent to  the Ministry of the 
Solicitor General as a matter of  course, we have not seen evidence to 
suggest it was  brought to the attention of the Solicitor General.[123]  
We noted too that the issue does not appear in any  other material which 
we have seen and which went to  the Minister's office.

On May 26, 1992 the Counter Terrorism Branch  issued a Threat Assessment 
on Preston Manning. The assessment mentioned the media reports of the 
infiltration of the Reform Party but concluded that the Service was 
unaware of any Heritage Front plans to use violence or otherwise 
physically disrupt/attack Reform meetings or Manning to revenge the 
expulsions from the Party earlier that year.

In the "Endnotes" of a July 1992 CSIS Report, the Service stated that 
the Heritage Front militants became members of the Reform Party in 
1991, "in an attempt to use the latter as a springboard to obtain 
greater visibility."

      7.4.5 Reporting Continues

On January 8, 1992, the Assistant Director Requirements told the Region 
that he wanted them to: 

   "review the direction given to the source and handler re: reporting 
   on the targets' activities. As I recall, those instructions were very 
   explicit; however the reiteration of them here seems somewhat 
   confusing. (referring to a Briefing Note) For example, I cannot 
   imagine how we could avoid reporting on Droege's activities in the 
   Reform Party as suggested in the Briefing Note.

   In effect, we should already have: he provides security. Since he 
   appears to be intending to undermine or discredit a legitimate 
   political institution, we must assess what he is doing to achieve 
   that objective.

   What we should not be reporting - which is what I understand the 
   direction to be - is reporting on the RP, its members, activities, 
   etc. Close monitoring of the source operation is necessary to ensure 
   that we remain within our mandate. "

In a January 9, 1992, message to the DDG Ops in CT Branch, the 
frustration was beginning to show in regard to the Droege investigation: 
"I'm not sure we aren't sucking and blowing at the same time here. Droege 
is a 2(c) CT target - the undermining of a political party, if it is real, 
is 2(d) and reporting beyond Level 1 is requiring Ministerial approval - 
I think we should sit down and discuss this whole issue so the game plan 
is clear to all of us. "

On January 15, 1992, a note passed between CSIS HQ personnel in the Human 
Sources Branch stated that, "I don't believe we need to instruct Toronto 
Region any further. If RCT (CT Branch) wish to alter the instructions to 
Toronto Region they can discuss with OHS (Human Sources Branch) and the 
ADR (Assistant Director Requirements)." " He would discuss it further 
with RCT for a cordinated response to the ADR. 

On January 27, 1992, the CT Branch outlined its position in  
regard to the Source's activities:

   "Droege's comments are probably well known by R.P. members, 
   particularly the moderate middle roaders,  who are aware of the 
   possibility of the right wing extremist fringe; and the optical 
   damage they can do to the Party.

   Our focus is not on the Party, and I believe it is  too early, 
   without additional substantiating  information, to look any further 
   into the 2(d)  aspects. You're right, however, to have us tune  
   our antennae." 

      7.4.6  Handler's Instructions Given to the Source

The Review Committee asked the Source what instructions he  had received 
from the Handler over the course of his association with  the Overfield 
security group for the Reform Party. The Source stated  that the Handler 
said that the rules were that:

   * he was told not to become a member of the Reform Party;

   * he was not to participate in any disruptive events against the 
     Party; if anything did happen, he was to get the police involved;

   * he was to collect information on what the Heritage  
     Front was doing with the Reform Party; and

   * he was not to report on the Reform Party itself.[124]

The Source would give everything he collected to the Handler  who would 
decide what was to be retained or not used. For example, when  Overfield 
was planning something with Andrew Flint, the Source would report it, but 
he did not take notes on the platform of the Party or other information 
relating to it.[125] 

The Source said that when he was told to avoid Reform Party
activities, he did so.

7.5 Final Act
7.5.1 Pickering Rally

In November 1991, Flint spoke to Overfield again and asked
him to provide security for the next big rally in Pickering.
Overfield said that he would not at all mind doing it.[126]

For the Pickering rally on January 22, 1992, there are
conflicting stories as to what the Overfield security group
actually did. According to Andrew Flint who organized the
rally, the Metro East Trade Centre provided their own security
people for Preston Manning. Overfield's group were only to
collect tickets at the front door and provide crowd

Al Overfield, on the other hand, stated that the Saturday
before the rally, he and Grant Bristow surveyed the site and
discussed various security options. Overfield said he was the
Head of Security and he appointed Bristow as his assistant and
the "takedown" man to protect Preston Manning.
Overfield said that Bristow wanted the job, "looked
like he had good background training, he was dynamic and liked
to stay in the forefront. Bristow "was right on top of
Manning" while Overfield ran back and forth
"fighting fires.".[128] Bristow has no memory
of a pre-rally survey.[129] Overfield may have confused the
two large rallies.

Flint has no recollection that Bristow was there and would
not have recognized him if, for example, he had shaved off his
beard.[130] The security people were present when Manning came
into the building and the security group "may have
floated around" in the back to prevent the public
from going into unauthorized areas. Manning arrived just
before the rally was to begin and waited from approximately
7:00 p.m. to 7:15 p.m.; the security group was likely hanging
around at this time.[131] Once again, Ron Wood, Press
Secretary to Preston Manning, stated that no conversations
that were remotely sensitive took place.

Ron Wood said that, for him, only one person stood out in
the security group, a guy with long black leather or polyester
coat who "looked like a Nazi."[132]

At the Pickering Rally, said Andrew Flint, a man spotted
Peter Mirevski as one of the security people and this was
reported to the National Council and to the Canadian Jewish

After the event, there was a media scrum following which
Flint drove a car in which Manning was being interviewed by
the Wall Street Journal.[134] Overfield's team escorted
Manning out of the building and provided shadow cars for
Flint's car until it reached highway 401 and was out in the

Droege told a colleague that he did not get to talk to
Manning because one of the Ontario organizers did want him to
get too close to the cameras. He said they [Reform Party] had
already been called by CSIS to try and have him (Droege)
kicked out.

At CSIS, an Administrative Interview took place in early
February 1992 and the Human Source officers apparently assured
themselves that the Source understood the directions he had
been given. The Human Sources interviewer discussed with the
Source the August 1991 Headquarters message that the Source
was to withdraw from this responsibility of security and not
be involved with the Reform Party.

The Human Sources manager reiterated that the Source was
not a member of the Reform Party and was not involved in any
Reform Party activity in 1991. The Source stated that this withdrawal from
Party activity in 1991. The Source stated that this withdrawal from 
security responsibilities caused some friction with Droege and a loss of 
credibility However, he has managed to survive using various alibis and 
excuses and everything is OK now.

The Source continued to find his role challenging and exciting but at 
times it became difficult to operate in this milieu with such requests as 
withdrawing from security for the Reform Party, but he manages to survive. 
The Human Source officer explained the reasons for such directions. CSIS 
instructed and queried the Source about criminal activities and he 
responded that he had not been involved in criminal activities.

      7.5.2 The Story Breaks

The Reform Party did not use the security group after the Pickering 
event. On February 28, 1992, the story appeared in the "Toronto Sun" that 
the Heritage Front had infiltrated the Reform Party.

In the Heritage Front's work with the Reform Party, they had behaved 
"impeccably", according to Flint. Unlike other groups who took advantage 
of the fledgling Party in Ontario, the Front did not make statements to 
the press or use the occasions to distribute their material. Flint said 
they gave no indication of their racist philosophy.

But once the story broke in February 1992, the Front made up for lost 
time. The revelations put a shadow on the Pickering rally, the third 
largest in the Reform Party's history. Droege was on television every 
day. After this, every time Preston Manning showed up in Toronto, Droege 
would try to be outside the meeting.

In the fall of 1992 for example, at the opening of the Oshawa office, 
Manning was present and Droege showed up. The RF also made it a point to 
be present at nomination meetings, such as the one in Don Valley West 
where John Gamble was running - they seemed to be everywhere.[137]

As the infiltration of the Reform Party became public knowledge at the 
end of February 1992, Droege commented that there were hundreds of 
Heritage Front people in the Party. The Source has stated that this type 
of statement "was a standard line for Droege." The Source was only aware 
of Overfield,  Dawson, Mitrevski, Nicola (Polinuk) Andrews,  and possibly 
Max French.[138] Droege told the Review Committee, "I don't think I 
stated hundreds. At that time, in February 1992, that is when we started 
really to grow." He estimated that later on, "maybe 150 to 200 people
....would have been possible members of the Reform Party." [139] He 
offered no evidence for the estimate.

Paul Fromm, an associate of Droege, has  characterized the "hundreds" 
figure from the latter  as "a little white lie."[140] Al Overfield thought 
the estimates  were "very valid", and that the two groups had  become 
quite intertwined.[141] 

Droege stated to the Committee that in  February 1992, the Heritage Front 
had about  40-50 members in the Reform Party, spread  across a number of 
ridings in the East End  (mostly). Some members were on the executives  
of Reform constituency associations.  Ultimately, however, he believed 
that some 150  to 200 Heritage Front people could possibly be  Reform 
Party members.[142] 

The Source said that his last contact  with anyone associated with the 
Reform Party  took place after the meeting in Pickering  Ontario; he saw 
Hugh Pendergast by chance at Overfield's place.[143] 

      7.5.3 The Reform Party Informed 

Thomas Flanagan, the Reform Party's  Chief of Strategy in 1992, first 
learned of  the infiltration problem when Bill Dunphy From  the "Toronto 
Sun" telephoned him on February  27, 1992. Dunphy wanted a comment for the  
story he was to run the next morning about the  Heritage Front infiltration 
of the Reform  Party.[144] The Party's Chairman described the call as 
"an incredible story.".[145]

Once told, the Reform Party launched an investigation. A Special Committee 
of the Executive Council was struck to look into the allegations.[146] The 
Special Committee was chaired by Myles Novak who was the President of the 
Reform Fund Canada and who was on the Management Planning Committee. The 
Secretary of the Special Committee was Thomas Flanagan, a Professor at the 
University of Calgary.

The Committee could make recommendations and terminate memberships.[l47] 
The Party had deliberately put a strong termination clause (2(d)(iii)) 
in the Reform Party of Canada Constitution because, as Ernest Manning used 
to say, "a bright light attracts a lot of bugs". After a member is expelled, 
the Chairman mentioned, there is an arbitration clause which can be used 
by the former member.[148]

Flanagan then learned that someone in the Party had some knowledge 
of similar events and an internal investigation was already underway.[149]

Michael Lublin, a Reform Party member, had brought to the attention of 
Reform Executive Council member Dick Harris a press article which raised 
the question of racists and the Reform Party.[150] Lublin and Harris met 
with Bernie Farber of the Canadian Jewish Congress. The latter expressed 
concern about possible other racists in the Party, not just the HF, and 
gave Harris a list of nine names to check against the Reform Party 
membership lists.[151] Lublin says these events took place in 1991 and 
Reform members state the actions occurred in  January-February 1992.

After his travels, Harris said he returned to Calgary and asked the 
Membership Chairman to check the nine names; only one was a member - 
Wolfgang Droege.[152] Harris then asked that the names be checked against 
Info Globe. At that point, journalist Bill Dunphy called Flanagan about 
the story which subsequently appeared on February 28, 1992.

	7.5.4 Reform Party Findings

The Reform Party investigation revealed that Al Overfield was a bailiff 
who employed Droege and  others in his business. The Special Committee  
learned that Overfield had sold/sponsored 22  memberships (at $10.00 a 
membership) to which he  signed his name after giving out the forms. 
Al Overfield was considered not to be a member of the Heritage Front 
but he consorted with them while he was a member of the Reform Party. [153] 

The Special Committee concluded that of  the 22 names, four were Heritage 
Front members:  Wolfgang Droege, Jim Dawson, Nicola Polinuk and  Peter 
Mitrevski. They were expelled from the  Party. Others may have also been 
members, but the  Special Committee had difficulty confirming that  they 
belonged to the Heritage Front. Flanagan asked his Toronto officials to 
telephone  each of the names to find out whether they were  affiliated 
with the Heritage Front - most denied it.[154]

Andrew Flint remembered the wording of Overfield's expulsion letter 
that "he showed poor judgement in the hiring of down neo-Nazis."[155] 

When Droege received the Reform Party letter which terminated his 
membership in March 1992:

   "So  I  thought well, if they want to play these  games,
   fine.  What  we will do is we will  endorse  the Reform Party 

Despite his expulsion by the leadership of the Reform Party,
Droege  stated that he "felt much of the membership  in  the
Reform Party seemed to have very similar opinions as  I  did
on most issues."[157]

Two  or  three other members were expelled from  the  Party,
among   them  Anne  Hartmann  of  the  Northern  Foundation.
Flanagan  became  suspicious of her after  learning  that  a
racist  article  was  written by one of her  children.  When
Hartmann  was evasive with Flanagan, a written  warning  was
sent to Party members. When she attacked the Party publicly,
she was expelled in September 1992.[158]

Neither  Tom  Flanagan  nor other members  of  the  national
Executive  Council  we spoke to ever heard  Grant  Bristow's
name  during or after the Reform Party investigation,  until
August 1994.

According to A1 Overfield, there was no conspiracy, and they
did  not  resist  when they were kicked out.  He  said  that
everything  was  done to avoid any embarrassment.  Overfield
said  the  conspiracy  story came from  an  article  in  the
"Toronto Sun" and Tom Flannagan.

   7.6    Conspiracies and Plots

The  Chairman of the Reform Party said he never believed  or
thought  that  there were higher levels to the  infiltration
story,  i.e.,  the possibility of direction by  others.[159]
But  many of the Reform Party members and officers we  spoke
to  were  absolutely  convinced that  the  infiltration  was
directed   by   persons  associated  with  the   Progressive
Conservative Party in order to discredit the Reform Party.

"The  Heritage  Front Affair" is the first  time  that  some
officials  in  the  Reform Party think that  they  may  have
evidence of such a conspiracy.

      7.6.1 The Enigma

On June 12, 1992, Michael Lublin, a member of the Kitchener-
Waterloo  Jewish  community and the self-professed  "highest
ranking  Jewish member of the Reform Party went on  national
television to denounce the party as racially intolerant  and
antisemitic,  and to declare that a Reform Government  would
be a disaster for Canada."[160]

Thus  began  another chapter in the complex lead-up  to  the
1993 federal election.

Michael Lublin told the Review Committee that he joined  the
Reform  Party in April 1991 because he liked their  economic
policies.[l61]  Lublin told his then friend,  John  Toogood,
that  he was interested in Reform because they were standing
up  for  civil  liberties  and he thought  that  Reform  was
misunderstood. [162]

In  June  1992, Lublin had a rift with the Reform Party;  he
became  angry,  he said, after "pin stripe  racists  at  the
Waterloo riding level made things tough" for him. He said he
left  the  Party  when  he was prevented  from  going  to  a
meeting.[l63] Paul Kelly stated that Michael Lublin  applied
for   the  job  of  Regional  Coordinator  for  Southwestern
Ontario.  He  did  not get the job but Reg  Gosse  did.[164]
Lublin  later said that the differences of opinion with  Reg
Gosse  were  racially  [165]  Gosse  completely  denied  the
allegation and said he was upset that Lublin would  say  so,
having   spent  many  "long  hours"  listening  to  Lublin's

The  Party had turned Lublin down for a position on June  9,
1992 and he went public with his criticism of Reform on June
12, 1992.

      7.6.2 The Conservatives

Lublin  said his friend John Toogood, a university  student,
acted as an political advisor to him and Lublin took him  to
Reform   Party  meetings.[166]  Toogood  agreed  that   they
attended  some  meetings together, but he  denied  being  an
"advisor"  and also stated that he was always  candid  about
his Conservative Party links.

Toogood says that Lublin called him to say there were to  be
other  Reform Party meetings and they went to two  or  three
such  meetings  together; he said  he  went  to  learn  what
Reform's  appeal was and he never attended any small  riding
meetings:  the  ones  he went to were  publicly  advertised,
large, and attended by the media. 167 Toogood says there was
never  any doubt that both Gosse and Lublin knew  he  was  a
member  of  the PC Party.[168] Reg Gosse confirmed Toogood's

In  the  Summer  of 1992, Toogood told SIRC,  he  worked  in
Solicitor  General Doug Lewis' office and had little  or  no
contact  with Lublin at that time, to speak of. As a  summer
student,  he answered the telephones, and liaised  with  the
Ministry of Justice in regard to the gun control issue. His-
only  contact with CSIS was to book appointments. In  regard
to the-Reform Party, Toogood said he wrote synopses of their
Justice  policy: all based on newspaper articles and  Reform
Party  literature. He stated that at no time  while  working
for  Doug  Lewis or otherwise, did he ever make use  of  any
external groups or agencies.[170]

Lublin said that Joe Lafleur, a Conservative official, tried
to  recruit him. Lafleur told the Review Committee  that  he
did not try to get involved in the Reform Party. Lublin, who
was seeking a job gave Lafleur a Campaign Contributions list
which Lafleur said he never used: he just threw it in a file
cabinet  and  left there.[171] Lublin said the  list  was  a
publicly   available   corporate  contributions   list.[172]
Lafleur said he was happy to hear Lublin's complaints  about
what  was  going on in the Reform Party, as  they  were  the
opponents, but no dirty tricks took place.

      7.6.3 The Plots

Lublin  first  told us that John Toogood and Bernie  Farber,
the Canadian Jewish Congress Director of Community Relations
were working together to discredit the Reform Party.[173] He
later  said they did not work together toward the goal.[l74]
Lublin also says that he had a conversation with Hugh Segal,
Advisor to Prime Minister Brian Mulroney.[175]

Both Toogood and the CJC Director have stated that they have
never  met  or  spoken  to each other, much  less  conspired
together.[176]  Both completely denied they  ever  tried  to
discredit  the Reform Party. Hugh Segal received  a  message
from Lublin but does not believe he ever spoke to him. Segal
says  he had his secretary give the name of a party official
to  Lublin to contact, wary of the negative comments  Lublin
made about his former mentors in the Reform Party.[177]

Lublin  described  Droege  as  a  complex,  complicated  and
interesting  individual,  notwithstanding  the   fact   that
Lublin's  Serbian  friends fought  Droege's  people  in  the
Kitchener-Waterloo area.[178]

It  was  learned that in November 1992, Lublin called Droege
for information about a lecture by British Nazi sympathizer,
writer  David  Irving. Droege said it was a closed  meeting,
but  authorized Lublin to inform the media. Lublin  stressed
they  keep  their  association with one another  secret  and
Droege agreed.[179]

In  the  Spring  of 1993, Preston Manning  came  to  Oshawa.
Lublin  said that lawyer Louis Allore called him in  Florida
to  say  he wanted to discredit Manning. He would pay Droege
$500  to have the Heritage Front "hound Manning" in  May  or
June  1993. Allore told Lublin that Droege does not get paid
until the "stunt" appears in the newspaper.[180]

      7.6.5 View from the Outside

Bristow was aware that Michael Lublin was an anti-racist who
wanted  to  be a spokesperson for the Jewish community.  The
hearsay  within the Heritage Front was that Lublin  had  his
eye  on  the  Director of Community Relations'  job  at  the
Canadian Jewish Congress.[181] Bristow overheard some of the
conversations  between Wolfgang Droege and  Michael  Lublin:
Lublin  did  not  like Reform and wanted to  be  seen  as  a
peacemaker between the Nazis and the Jews.  As a negotiator,
he  could  make  a  name for himself.[182]  Bristow  took  a
photograph of Lublin and Droege arm-in-arm together.

Alan  Overfield said that Michael Lublin was a case of "sour
grapes".  Although Lublin accused the Reform Party of  being
racist, he still attended their meetings. Lublin knew Droege
by  his  first  name  and  he  was  involved  in  a  lot  of
manipulation in the Jewish Community.[183]

Bristow believed that Wolfgang Droege received cash  from  a
Bay  Street  fellow  to  attend  Reform  Party  meetings  to
discredit  and  embarrass  the Party.  Bristow  was  of  the
opinion  that Lublin coordinated the contacts but  that  the
money came from the other person.[184]

We  received reports that someone called CITY TV in  Toronto
to tell them that Droege would attend Reform Party meetings.
The  staff we spoke to at CITY TV denied they were  informed
in  advance  of Heritage Front activities.[185] The  Source,
however  stated  that  it  was  "standard  methodology"  for
someone to call CITY TV in Toronto to tell them that  Droege
would  attend  Reform Party meetings. A Reform Party  member
and  advisor  has  stated  that reporter  Colin  Vaughn  was
present  at  some  of  the Reform Party demonstrations.[l86]
Droege   said  he  had  no  knowledge  about  the  CITY   TV

Droege  told Bristow that Lublin thought it was a good  idea
if  Droege went to Reform Party meetings: Lublin would  call
the  press  to make sure Reform was discredited. The  Review
Committee  has confirmed that Michael Lublin made  at  least
some of the calls.[188]

It  was  learned that Lublin told Droege during  April  1993
that  he had contacted the media to tell them, that Heritage
Front  members voted at the John Gamble nomination  meeting.
He  later said that he told reporter Colin Vaughn that  this
made  him fearful as a Jew. He suggested that two well-known
officials in the Reform Party be made the fall guys.  Droege

In  April 1993, Droege told Bristow that the Heritage  Front
might  wish to engage Michael Lublin for publicity  purposes
and  also  the  two groups could work together to  discredit
Preston   Manning   and  the  Reform   Party.   The   Source
subsequently  learned that Lublin had some  personal  grudge
against  the  Reform  Party  and  is  seeking  to   form   a
clandestine alliance with the Heritage Front.

It  was  further  learned that Lublin told Droege  that  the
Heritage  Front should publicly claim that Lublin was  their
(HF)  primary opponent.  Lublin would like the notoriety  to
establish  himself as the guardian of the  Jewish  community
and  to weaken groups like the Canadian Jewish Congress  and
the  B'nai  Brith. Lublin even suggested that the HF  should
blow  up  his  personal vehicle so that he  could  show  the
public that he was an important Neo-nazi enemy.

Lublin was reported as saying to Droege that the two [?]ould
feed  off one another to gain maximum media exposure. Droege
confided  to  the Source that he would be open to  a  mutual
campaign of publicity and controversy with Lublin.

      7.6.6 The Whitby Lawyer

Lawyer Louis S. Allore was on the Board of Directors of  the
Ontario riding association (Pickering, Ajax, Whitby) for the
Reform Party. During the fall of 1991 or the spring of  1992
serious conflicts arose in the riding.[189]

Riding  President  David Barber held a secret  meeting  with
some  Board  members to try to oust Allore.  When  the  full
board  found  out,  they reacted and Barber  was  ousted  as
President.  Jack Hurst and Reg Gosse came in to mediate  and
Allore  subsequently  conducted  a  vendetta  against  them.
Allore  also complained when the Party expelled John  Gamble
and David Andrus.[l90]

David  Andrus stated that Allore devoted a lot of  time  and
campaigned  seriously  for the nominated  candidate  in  his
riding.  He  was expelled from the Party for his support  of
Gamble  (see 5.6.8). Once expelled, he carried on a one  man
campaign through the media to tell the press what he thought
of  the  Reform Party and Preston Manning.[191] He  launched
two  legal actions against Manning and Andrus said  that  he
was making some progress when he died in August 1994. Andrus
saw  it as a questionable death and said that Allore  was  a
man of integrity.[192]

Richard  Van  Seters, John Gamble's campaign manager  viewed
Allore  as  bitter about his expulsion and as a  person  who
went  to  extremes to create embarrassment. Van Seters  said
that  Allore  talked to the Heritage Front  and  "they  were
employed  to  disrupt"  the Gamble meeting.[193]  After  his
expulsion, Van Seters said that
Allore corresponded with Conservatives Jean Charest and Mike
Harris.[194] John Gamble, however, did not think that Allore
would have anything to do with the Heritage Front.[195]

The  Review  Committee was informed that the only  point  of
contact between Allore and Harris were the two letters which
Allore  sent to the Ontario leader. The two never  met.[196]
Similarly,  Jean  Charest said he  does  not  remember  ever
having met Louis Allore. The five letters which Allore  sent
to Charest were never answered.[197]

On  April 29, 1993 a story appeared in a satirical magazine.
The article stated that Droege, "has been happily describing
how he is exacting his revenge while having someone else pay
for it...the mysterious paymaster is a Toronto area Tory
campaign  chairthingy."[l98] Some present and former  Reform
Party   officials   believed  the   story   contained   some

The  source of the report was John Thompson, [200] a  Reform
Party  member, who said that he had had a source  infiltrate
the Heritage Front one Summer.[201]

On August 21, 1994, it was learned that Droege advised Gerry
Lincoln  that lawyer Louis Allore, was a person he had  met,
who  was  trying  to  infiltrate the  Reform  Party.  Droege
confided  to  Lincoln  that  Allore  gave  him  some   money
personally.  This  was probably in relation  to  the  Oshawa
Conspiracy  (see 7.6.7). Lincoln said he never  heard  about
the matter.

Wolfgang  Droege, under oath, informed the Review  Committee
that  he  received  $500.00  from  lawyer  Louis  Allore  to
publicly support the Reform Party. He was given the money to
attend  a  meeting where he could embarrass Preston Manning.
When  asked if others were involved, Droege said he did  not
know,  although  Allore was in touch with  other  dissidents
from  the Reform Party such as John Gamble and David Andrus.
Droege stated, "it was mainly an attempt by myself and Louis
Allore to discredit Preston Manning."[202]

      7.6.7 The Oshawa Conspiracy

On  May 27, 1993 Wolfgang Droege left his home and picked up
Tracy  Jones,  Peter  Mitrevski  and  Drew  Maynard  in  the
Hillington/Danforth  area;  he  then  he  drove  to  Whitby,
Ontario  just before noon. He picked up an envelope  at  the
Ontario  Court Division (Rossland Road East) and then  drove
to Oshawa where he tried to attend a Reform Party Meeting at
50 Bond Street.

Wolfgang  Droege and Peter Mitrevski appeared at the  Reform
Party  meeting  in Oshawa at which Preston  Manning  was  to
appear before the Canadian Auto Workers. The two racists had
received $10.00 tickets to attend the meeting but the Reform
Party  officials refused to allow them to enter and refunded
their money.[203] They were escorted out of the building  by
police officers.

The  next day, it was learned that Droege told Marque  Poole
Jewer  that the incident in Oshawa went pretty well  because
there  was  some publicity in Oshawa about his being  kicked
out  by  the police. Droege revealed that some Reform  Party
dissidents  were going to start a new party as soon  as  the
election  was  over, and he was expecting  to  receive  some
favours  in  return since he already did  them  a  few  (see
section  7.6.13 below). The Heritage Front leader also  said
he  was going to meet with an attorney (thought to be  Louis
S. Allore) the following week to receive taskings.

Droege told the Source several days later that he was  given
$500.00  and  two  tickets to the event by  Michael  Lublin.
Lublin  denies he provided the $500 or the tickets and  said
he  was  in Florida at the time. Droege took Peter Mitrevski
with  him  and was to pay him $100.00 for his participation.
Drew  Maynard and Tracy Jones were taken to hand out flyers.
Droege   said   that  the  Reform  Party  claim   that   the
Conservative  Party  had  hired  him  to  discredit  Preston
Manning was humorous. One and a half years later, on the day
that  the  lawyer died in a car accident, Droege again  said
that  Allore  gave  him  some  money  `personally'.  A  CSIS
Investigator  stated  that he believed  that  the  deal  was
brokered by Michael Lublin.

Whereas  the  evidence is circumstantial,  it  appears  that
Droege  collected  an envelope containing  $500.00  and  two
tickets from Louis Allore and then, to embarrass the  Reform
Party,  went  to  the meeting where Preston Manning  was  to

Droege  first  told the Review Committee  that  he  did  not
receive  money to attend Reform Party meetings: "afterwards,
though,  they would go out for a few beers. No money changed
hands."  He denied receiving money from Michael Lublin,  who
he  said, was "an opponent" and, because of him, Droege "got
kicked  out  of  the  Reform Party."[204]  At  a  subsequent
hearing on oath, Droege stated that Louis Allore paid him to
attend the Reform Party meeting.[205]

      7.6.8 The John Gamble Affair

One  of  the main planks in conspiracy theories is the  John
Gamble  Affair.  Gamble,  a former Progressive  Conservative
Member   of   Parliament  and  contender  in  that   Party's
leadership  race in the early 1980s, won the  nomination  on
March  31, 1993 as the Reform Party candidate for the riding
of Don Valley West.

Prior  to  the  Meeting.  Six  days  before  the  nomination
meeting,  the  Secretary to the Reform  Party,  Mike  Friese
wrote  to  the  President of the riding  association,  David
Andrus to say that Gamble's nomination would be bad for  the
Party  because  of his association with Paul Fromm  and  Ron
Gostick  who  were publicly perceived to be associated  with
extremist  views. Another letter from the Party  also  said,
apparently, that Fromm was working with Gamble in the  World
Anti-Communist League during the mid-1980s.[206]

Gamble  was  the North American Chairman of the World  Anti-
Communist League and was the subject of an article in "This"
Magazine.  He  said  that Don Blenkarn  and  others  in  the
Conservative Party were also mentioned as supporters of  the
League.[207] One of the accusations against the  League  was
that  it  was anti-semitic, but Gamble saw that as  "ancient
history"  and the people involved were no longer  associated
with the League; Gamble had never known them.

The  Nomination Meeting. At Gamble's nomination  meeting  on
March  31,  1993, Wolfgang Droege (expelled from the  Reform
Party  the  year before), Peter Mitrevski and a  few  others
showed up outside the hall and made a public show of support
for  Gamble. The candidate, in turn, made a statement saying
he would not refuse such assistance.

It was learned that Michael Lublin left a message for Droege
on  March  31st that they should get together  and  organize
something for a candidates meeting scheduled for that  night
for the Don Valley. Lublin added that all the media would be
there and it could be important.[208]

The  Source  remembered  that  Droege  and  Peter  Mitrevski
supported  John Gamble's nomination. Droege told the  Source
that  Gamble is not a bad guy and that he held him  in  high
esteem.   Droege also told the Source that he was given  the
financial  incentive  to embarrass the  Reform  Party  by  a
supporter  of  Gamble.  The Source  did  not  know  who  the
supporter was. [209] John Gamble told us that he met  Droege
only  once - and that was at the nomination meeting.  Droege
was  pointed  out  to him by a member of a  television  news
team. The reporter asked Gamble if he wanted the support  of
the  people outside his meeting. Gamble said he would accept
help "from anyone -here if I can get it." The candidate said
that  he  was told who Droege was after he made the comment.
Gamble emphasized that he had no contact with the HF at  any
other  time:  Droege  was not a member  of  Gamble's  riding
association  and he did not recognize him,  nor  those  with
him. There were six or seven other Heritage Front people  at
the  nomination meeting, but Gamble would not recognize  any
of  them  if he saw them now. Gamble never heard of Bristow,
until he read about him in the press.[210]

Droege  has confirmed that Grant Bristow did not attend  the
nomination  meeting. Droege and the others  were  there,  he
said,  to lend support to Gamble and they urged people  they
knew  to work for him. Droege said they only involved people
who he knew could vote.[211]

The  Appeal.  At  a meeting on April 2, 1993  the  Executive
Council  of  the  Reform Party nullified the  nomination  of
Gamble.  On  May 8, 1993 a hearing took place in Calgary  to
hear Gamble's appeal.

Ron  Wood told SIRC that there was never any evidence  of  a
conspiracy,  but Gamble, as an ex-Tory, raised questions  in
the  Reform  Party as to what was happening and whether  the
purpose of his candidacy was to embarrass the Party.[2l2]

Gamble and senior members of the riding association went  to
Calgary  to  appeal  and  said they brought  with  them  the
ballots which members in the riding were asked to fill  out.
In  Calgary, according to Gamble, little notice was taken of
the  ballots  and  this  convinced him  that  the  Executive
Council's decision was made before he arrived.[2l3]

Another document that Gamble brought was a letter from  Paul
Fromm.  John  Gamble met Paul Fromm when the  former  was  a
Conservative  Member  of Parliament. He  had  received  some
Citizens  for  Foreign  Aid Reform (C-FAR)  literature  and,
since Gamble was concerned about taxes and where foreign aid
money  was going, he arranged a get-together between several
Mps   and  Fromm.  The  two  would  later  meet  on  several

Fromm  attended a World Anti-Communist League conference  in
San Diego, which Gamble did not attend; nor Gamble says, did
he  send Fromm.[2l5] During the March 1993 nomination issue,
a member of Gamble's staff heard that Fromm was described as
the  Secretary for the World Anti-Communist League  and  the
staff  member  asked  Fromm for a letter.  The  letter  from
Fromm,  dated  May  6, 1993 states that he  never  held  the
position  of "second in commznd to former MP John Gamble  in
the  Canadian Branch of the World Anti-Communist  League.  "
Gamble says he last spoke to Fromm nine or ten years ago.

At  lunch,  Gamble held a press conference to announce  what
had  happened. He stated that the Executive Council  members
did  not appreciate the move.[216] About ten days later, the
memberships   of   those  who  launched  the   appeal   were

Kim  Campbell. One of the statements made in support of  the
Conservative  conspiracy theory was that  Gamble,  a  former
Tory,   met  with  Conservative  leadership  candidate   Kim
Campbell and MP Bobbie Sparrow in Calgary the same day as he
appeared  at his Reform Party appeal hearing. 218 People  in
the   Reform   Party  thought  it  odd  that  a  Progressive
Conservative leadership candidate woul-d take time out  from
her busy schedule to meet with a former Tory.[219]

The  evening  of  the appeal hearing in  Calgary,  the  four
members  of  the  Reform  Riding Association  dined  at  the
Calgary Inn and had nothing to do after dinner. Campbell and
Bobbie  Sparrow  had  a meeting in the  hotel  to  encourage
others  to  come to Ottawa to support Campbell.  Gamble  and
Andrus  met a lot of people they knew while walking  in  the
halls and they decided to drop into the reception room.

Inside,  they  chatted with Sparrow and Kim  Campbell,  but,
said  Gamble and David Andrus, it was no more than a  social
meeting  and nothing about Reform was discussed. Andrus  and
Gamble then went to another reception room and popped  their
heads  into a Carol Channing performance which was  underway
at the time.[220]

After the Gamble expulsion, Van Seters said he was contacted
by  Bobbie  Sparrows' campaign manager  by  telephone.  This
person   was   trying   to  obtain  more   "Gamble   Affair"

In  April  or May of 1993, Alloret Gamble, David Andrus  and
Lublin  met to talk about forming a new political party  and
setting up a constitution.[222] They concluded that  it  was
too  much work and too close to the election. Andrus was-not
well and could not devote the energy required to do the work
properly.  They  had  a couple of meetings  to  discuss  the
concept, but nothing resulted.[223]

[TRANSCRIPTION NOTE:  The left margin was bound incorrectly  
on this page, 50, and some words cannot be transcribed  
with certainty. In such cases, I have used square brackets  
and question marks to denote uncertainty. knm]

Richard Van Seters, a Gamble supporter; said that Lublin was
sympathetic toward John Gamble and the controversy  offered
Lublin an opportunity to get some more attention.[224]

Conservatives and Lublin. Gamble said he had run against the
Conservatives in 1988 as an independent and had no knowledge
of  any  Conservative plot against the Reform Party,  having
left the Pcs in [?]5. He joined the Progressive Conservative
provincial party in Ontario earlier this year (1994).

Gamble  thinks  he met Michael Lublin before the  nomination
meeting. Lublin went to Gamble's home and told him about his
experience with the Kitchener Waterloo Reform association.[225]  
During the accusations against  Gamble, Lublin  came  forward 
to say that Gamble was not anti-semitic.[226]

Michael  Lublin  has informed the Review Committee  that  he
suggested to Droege that he attend the Reform Party  meeting
as a way to discredit the Party.[227] He later denied he was

Other  Theories.  Richard Van Seters, Former  Chair  of  the
Reform Don Valley West Nomination Committee said he was  not
certain  wether  the Heritage Front was sent  by  Reform  to
discredit  John Gamble to have him tossed out. One  possible
reason, said Van Seters, was the fear that Gamble might be a
threat,  that is, might [ ?e]for the Reform Party leadership
as he did in the Conservative Party.[229] Van Seters thought
that   comments   by  Ron  Wood,  Preston  Manning's   press
secretary,  after the Reform Party hearing in  Calgary  were
consistent  with this theory. Joe Clark, Van Seters  pointed
out,   had   a  business  relationship  with  Reform   Party
[Ch]airman, Clifford Fryers.[230]

Van  Seters  said  that  during the  1993  federal  election
campaign,  a  former  Minister in  the  Conservative  Party,
Dorothy  Dobbie,  was  an  observer  at  a  Winnipeg  Reform
Assembly   and   was  actively  trying  to  contact   Reform
dissidents.  an Seters said that among those  she  contacted
were  Louis Allore and Michael Lublin.[231] Lublin confirmed
the contact. Dobbie told SIRC that she did have some contact
with  Allore and Lublin during September/October  1993.  She
said  that  she never provided any instructions to  them  to
discredit  the Reform Party and she said she never  had  any
contact with the Heritage Front or Grant Bristow.[232]

David  Andrus  would  add another theory:  the  HF  presence
created the perception that Gamble was associated with  that
group  and  "one wonders if Reform at the senior level  used
the  HF".They (the Overfield group) were used as  bodyguards
and  everyone was told to use them; there was something more
going on than meets the eye."[233]

It was learned in early April 1993, that Michael Lublin told
Droege that he had advised the media that the Heritage Front
was asked by someone in the senior level of the Reform Party
to  come out and draw the connection between John Gamble and
the HF to discredit Gamble.

      7.6.10 David Andrus

David  Andrus  was the former President of Don  Valley  West
Riding  Association  of  the  Reform  Party.  Reform   Party
officials point to Andrus as one of those who may have  been
involved  in  a  campaign  to discredit  the  Reform  Party,
possibly by using the Heritage Front.

Andrus  was  at  one  time the business partner  of  Michael
Wilson, former Conservative Finance Minister, and had helped
to  run  Wilson's election campaign.[234] He had  also  once
been  a  fund-raiser for whe Liberal Party.  He  joined  the
Reform  Party  after  speaking  with  Preston  Manning   and
attending  the  Saskatoon  Assembly.[235]  Don  Valley  West
Riding.  Andrus lived in the Don Valley West riding and,  as
he  had been involved in running political campaigns before,
he became President of the riding association for the Reform
Party,  probably in March 1992. Andrus said that it  was  an
experienced  seasoned riding executive in contrast  to  many
other Reform associations at the time.[236]

Andrus  said he set up a Nominating Committee which  he  did
not  sit  on to select a candidate as he thought it was  not
appropriate. The Nominating Committee selected 3 candidates,
among  them,  John  Gamble,  the  only  one  with  political

All  candidates were to be heard by the membership at  large
at  a  meeting on May 27, 1993. Some days beforehand, Andrus
received  a call and was told to say that Gamble should  not
be nominated.[238]

At  the nomination meeting, Droege and his group attended en
masse;  several other riding presidents attended the meeting
and asked Andrus, "did you know that Droege was over there".

Andrus  said he told Droege, "I don`t know why you`re  here,
but  I  wsnt  you to understand this is a private  meeting".
Andrus  said he would have had them thrown out by the police
if  they spoke out. Droege and his associates stood  at  the
back  of  the  auditorium and cheered  enthusiastically  for
Gamble, in a very noticeable manner.[239]

After the meeting, the media interviewed Gamble, Droege, and
Andrus.  Droege  said he was there to  see  that  the  right
candidate  was chosen. In hindsight, said Andrus, he  should
have had them thrown out.[240]

Andrus said he knew nothing about the Heritage Front and  he
said he was never associated with them. Andrus said that  to
be  "branded" as a racist was a mean blow and there  was  no
basis  in  fact for that. He stated that he spent 10  to  11
years  as  Executive Officer for World Vision in Canada  and
was  the International Treasurer for the aid agency, a  role
inconsistent with being a racist.[241]

      7.6.11 The John Beck Affair

One   of  the  theories  about  a  Progressive  Conservative
Conspiracy  in the Reform Party concerns John Beck.  He  was
expelled  as  a  candidate for the  York  Centre  riding  in
October  1993 and the theory is that he was linked to  Grant
Bristow, and perhaps also to the Heritage Front in order  to
embarrass  the  Reform Party. [242] Hugh Pendergast  of  the
Beaches  Woodbine  riding association said  that  John  Beck
attempted to "suborn" the nomination in Pendergast's  riding
and  the  latter  saw  this  as  part  of  the  Conservative
plan.[243]  An  unknown caller to MP Deborah  Gray's  office
said  that  John Beck was a "set-up": he was funded  by  the
Tories and was associated with the Heritage Front.[244]

John  Beck  responded  to  a newspaper  advertisement  which
sought a candidate to run for the Reform Party in the riding
of York Centre. He said he was interviewed by John Lawrence,
the   "manager"  for  the  association.  Beck  went  to  the
meetings,  studied the Reform party's platform and  won  the
nomination in May 1993. he said he did everything aaccording
to Hoyle" to obtain the nomination.[245]

In  a  pre-election interview in October 1993, Beck was York
University student newspaper Excalibur as saying  that  some
immigrants brought "death and destruction to the people." He
also made unflattering remarks about Native Canadians.

In  the wake of the statements, the Reform Party forced  him
to  give up his campaign and expelled him. Ron Wood, Preston
Manning's press secretary, was later quoted by Varsity,  the
University of Toronto student newspaper, as blaming Beck for
the  loss  of  as many as four federal seats in Ontario  and
alleged  he  was  part  of a dirty tricks  campaign  by  the
Progressive Conservatives.[246]

We  reviewed allegations that Beck was associated with  "The
Heritage  Front  Affair".  Beck  denied  knowing  or  having
contact  with Wolfgang Droege, Grant Bristow or anyone  else
in the Heritage Front. He also said he never had any contact
with  Paul Fromm, Don Andrews or anyone from the Progressive
Conservative Party.[247]

The  former  features  editor  for  Excalibur,  the  student
newspaper which revealed the Beck comments which led to  his
expulsion from the Reform Party was guoted as saying:

    "she doubts Beck was a plant. She said that if Beck  had
deliberately set out to sabotage his own campaign, he  could
have  used  a medium with much more influence than Excalibur
(the student newspaper) . "Frankly, I think it was
a fluke," she said. "He just blurted out how he felt."[248]

The  Review  Committee  saw  absolutely  no  information  in
support of the allegation that John Beck was associated with
Grant Bristow, CSIS, or the Heritage Front.

   7.7 Other Issues

Over  the course of the Review Committee's investigation  of
nThe  Heritage  Front  Affair",  a  considerable  number  of
allegations and statements have been made by and  about  the
white  supremacists and their activities in relation to  the
Reform   Party.   This  section  reviews  several   of   the
allegations and the answers which the Committee has obtained
through its investigation.

      7.7.1 Max French and "Race Traitors"

The  Reform Party raised the question as to why, when  David
Maxwell  French was revealed as a Heritage Front member,  he
allegedly  called  the  Reform Party  "race  traitors".[249]
There  is also the issue of who encouraged French to  remain
in the Party.

According  to the Source, French was expressing  a  strongly
and  widely  held belief in the extreme right: that  in  the
United  Kingdom, the Conservative Party under  former  Prime
Minister Margaret Thatcher won her elections by adopting the
platform  of the racist National Front Party. In  so  doing,
she "pacified the masses."[250]

Preston  Manning  was seen by the white supremacists  as  an
agent  of  ZOG  (the  Zionist Occupation  Government)  -  an
appeaser  of the masses like Margaret Thatcher. His  success
in  Canada  would appeal to those targeted  by  the  extreme
right and would allow the population in this country to vent
their frustration. It was believed that the right wing would
need  another  15 to 20 years to organize and  attract  wide
support, especially after the Heritage Front expulsions from
the Reform Party.[251]

According  to  the  Source, Max French drifted  out  of  the
Nationalist  Party  of  Canada and towards  Droege  and  the
Heritage Front after a nfalling out" with Don Andrews.[252]

There  is  no evidence that.David Maxwell French  was  under
pressure  from anyone to remain in the Reform  Party.253  He
had  been named, and his photograph published, in an article
by  Bill Dunphy in the Toronto Sun, in February 1992. It was
simply  going to be a matter of time before someone  in  the
Reform  Party  noticed that he had not been  expelled  along
with all the other known racists. No intelligent conspirator
would  have used such a well-known racist to infiltrate  the
Reform Party.

      7.7.2 Grant Bristow and the Progressive Conservatives

The  Review Committee asked Bristow whether he had  had  any
contacts  with  members  or  officials  of  the  Progressive
Conservative Party.

Bristow had two links to Progressive Conservatives. In  1984
he  worked  in  the  election campaign  for  David  Crombie.
Bristow thought that Crombie had been an excellent mayor  of
Toronto  and  he therefore wanted to support the candidate's
federal election campaign.[254]

In  the  second  case,  Grant Bristow  worked  in  the  1988
election campaign for Otto Jelinek, solely at the request of
Bob  Tye. Tye was Bristow's Supervisor at the firm of Kuehne
&  Nagel,  and  served on the executive  of  Otto  Jelinek's
campaign as a fundraiser. During the 1988 election campaign,
Tye and Bristow had a friendly relationship.[255]

Bristow and Jelinek met a couple of times at Jelinek's home.
During  the  election, Bristow performed two activities:  he
canvassed  door  to  door the Sunday  before  the  election,
talking  and handing out pamphlets. On election day, Bristow
went  to  the  polling station at night  to  count  ballots;
otherwise, Bristow said, he would not have been able to  get
into the victory party which was to follow.[256]

Allegations have surfaced about prominent Conservative Party
official  John  Tory  and his contacts with  Grant  Bristow.
Overfield  told  the Review Committee under  oath  that  his
"well   -  founded  suspicion"  was  that  Wolfgang   Droege
"received  funds through Grant Bristow, directly  from  John
Tory;  also Otto Jelinek and John Gamble."[257] Al Overfield
adduced no facts whatsoever to support this assertion.

John Tory's law firm was chosen by the former government  to
prosecute  Droege for the Heritage Front hate line.  It  was
learmed  that  Droege told a reporter that it was  not  true
that  Droege  was  being  paid  by  John  Tory.  But  later,
OverfieXd told
Droege  that  they may as well do John (Tory) a  favour  and
both  Overfield and Droege laughed. Droege felt that to drop
John  Tory's  name would get them [the Reform Party]  really
going.  Overfield and Droege agreed that this was the  right

The Review Committee learned that Overfield said that he did
Jack  Hurst a favour, he was the one who `fucked'  Overfield
with  the  Reform Party. Hurst had been given ten  names  to
check  for Heritage Front affiliations by the Reform Party's
Special Committee in 1992.

The   Review   Committee  has  confirmed  that   the   above
conversations took place.

Tory  denied  completely even knowing  about  Bristow  until
recently,  much less having met him. He was not involved  in
any   of   the  Canadian  Human  Rights  Commission/Tribunal
proceedings, though someone else in his firm may have  been,
he said.[259]

Overfield  then told the Review Committee that he ultimately
concluded that Toronto Sun reporter Bill Dunphy paid Bristow
"to  infiltrate  and  create the Heritage  Front."[260]  The
Review  Committee  has not contacted Bill  Dunphy  regarding
this allegation.

Former  Solicitor General Doug Lewis was asked by the Review
Committee  whether  he  issued  any  instructions,  oral  or
written, to the Director of CSIS or his staff at the Service
to  investigate  the  Reform Party.  Doug  Lewis  responded,
"Absolutely not!" When asked if any of his staff issued such
a  direction, the response was "One can never have  coqplete
knowledge, but I would be amazed if these instructions  were
ever  issued.  Blair Dickerson handled these things  and  we
never  had any discussions about this and she wouldn't  have
done  so. I can be as assured about her as anybody." He also
stated,  "I  know  I  never  gave  any  direct  or  indirect
instructions and I would be amazed if my staff did. I  would
be more than amazed if (my) staff took any action."[261] The
Committee  also  spoke  to Blair Dickerson  and  she  denied
issuing  any  instructions to CSIS in regard to  the  Reform

The  Security  Intelligence Review  Committee  has  seen  no
evidence  whatsoever  to substantiate  the  allegation  that
Grant  Bristow sought to discredit or infiltrate the  Reform
Party   on   behalf   of  Doug  Lewis  or  the   Progressive
Conservative Party of Canada.

The  Review Committee examined the links between Paul Fromm,
the  Heritage  Front and the Reform Party. The  material  we
examined suggests that Fromm attempted in 1987 and  1988  to
ally  himself with the Reform Party and use it to reach  his
political  objectives. Having failed to achieve that,  Fromm
was,  in  subsequent years, in contact with  those  Heritage
Front members who attempted to discredit the Reform Party.

1987  Western  AssAmbly. In 1987, Paul  Fromm  arranged  for
author  Peter  Brimelow to speak at the Reform Association's
Western Assembly which was held in Vancouver at the  end  of
May.  The  Reform Association granted Fromm observer  status
for his efforts. The decisions taken at the Western Assedbly
led to the creation of the Reform Party of Canada.

In  1994,  Fromm  told  the Review  Committee  that  he  was
involved  with the Assembly as "a number of our  subscribers
in  B.C.  and  Alberta were involved." He said that  he  was
"looking  for  people who were interested in subscribing  to
his publications."[263]

We learned that Fromm concluded that Doug Christie's Western
Canada  Concept  would  never obtain  the  base  of  support
necessary  to  be  elected, and  so  Fromm  had  turned  his
attention  to  the  Reform Association's  Western  Assembly.
Fromm said he attended the Western Assembly because it  gave
him  the opportunity for a book table, the sales from which,
proved quite lucrative.[264]

1988 Activities. Fromm showed renewed support for the Reform
Party  in  1988  when he went to their policy conference  in
Calgary. He said he urged the Party to come East. Fromm  had
made  liaison with the Reform Party his priority and he made
overtures to Preston Manning to establish an Ontario wing of
the party.

As  Droege  would  later say about his  own  views,  Fromm's
perception was that the general membership of the Party  was
more right wing than its executive.

With  the  assistance of an associate who had links  to  the
Aryan  Nations,  Fromm  made inroads with  a  Fraser  Valley
constituency association. We learned that in February  1988,
Fromm  was in contact with a Reform Party candidate  in  the
1988  federal election for that riding and a member  of  the

In  an  early  endorsement of Reform Party, the Spring  1988
issue  of  the  Canadian Population & Immigration  Quarterly
Report, published by Fromm's C-FAR organization, contained a
copy  of  a Reform Party pamphlet on immigration. The  C-FAR
publication  said  that it endorsed no political  party  but
directed  those interested to write directly to the  address
provided on the Reform Party of Canada flyer.

On  August  12, 1988 Paul Fromm attended a three day  Reform
Party Policy Convention in Calgary.

"Disassociated" from the Reform Party. In August 1988,  Paul
Fromm  spoke at a meeting on Vancouver Island where many  in
attendance  were  Reform Party of Canada  members.  Some  of
these  individuals objected to the racist tenor  of  Fromm's
speech, and complained to Preston Manning about Fromm's ties
to the party.

In  October 1988 Preston Manning sent Fromm a letter  asking
the  latter to "disassociate" himself from the Reform Party.
This  letter  may have contributed to Fromm's decision  that
the  RPC  was  not the appropriate vehicle  to  further  his
political objectives. Fromm then ran as a candidate for  the
Confederation  of  Regions (COR)  Party  in  the  riding  of
Mississauga East.

Fromm  informed thr Review Committee that when  he  realized
the  Reform Party was not going to come East to Ontario,  "I
looked elsewhere."[265]

Subsequent  Links  to  Reform. In February  1989,  while  in
Vancouver,  Fromm asked a Reform Party member to organize  a
centennial party in celebration of Adolf Hitler's  birthday.
The  member  planned to arrange things so as to  involve  as
many  local  skinheads as cared to attend, but  changed  his
mind  after  learning  that  almost  all  of  the  Vancouver
skinhead community would be travelling to the Aryan  Nations
compound in Hayden Lake, Idaho for the occasion.

On December 5, 1990 Fromm said that he was asked to speak at
the  Martyrs Day Rally where, he said, he spoke about  those
in  Canada  who  have "suffered" for freedom of  speech.  He
stated  that  some  of the other speakers,  "I  admit,  were
pretty radical, pretty off-the-wall."[266]

On June 13, 1991 Overfield set up a table at a C-FAR meeting
to take Reform Party memberships. Our analysis of that event
is  provided in section 7.3.5. Fromm was a featured  speaker
nt a Heritage Front meeting on September 5, 1991.

In  regard to the "John Gamble Affair" described earlier  in
this  paper, the direct contacts between Paul Fromm and John
Gamble  took  place in the early 1980s. When the  allegation
about  Fromm was laid during the 1993 nomination issue,  the
Review   Committee  was  told,  a  Gamble  campaign   worker
contacted  and  secured a letter from Fromm who  denied  the

There  is no evidence in the material we examined that Fromm
actively  supported John Gamble's nomination for the  Reform
Party  in  the  Don Valley West riding for the 1993  federal

Overview.  The SIRC investigation revealed that  there  were
several  persons  in Paul Fromm's circle who  were  involved
with  the  Reform Party from 1987 to 1991.  In  addition  to
Fromm,  they  were:  Peter Lindquist, Al Overfield,  Raymond
Renwick and Robert Jarvis. The reports we saw did not  focus
on the Reform Party's activities.


1. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional 
   Coordinator, Reform Party.
2. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating
   Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
3. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating
   Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
4. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating
   Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
5. Hugh Pendergast stated he is not a racist and he rejects any
   association with racist ideologues.
6. Al Overfield was described as a former member of the extremist
   organization, the Western Guard and subsequently was associated with
   the Ontario section of the Social Credit Party which national leader 
   Ernest Manning refused to recognize. Murray Dobbin, Preston Manning
   and the Reform Party, 1992.
7. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan. Pendergast later said he did not
   think Overfield tried to take over the riding association.
8. SIRC interview of Reginald Gosse, Former Chairman of Ontario
   Expansion for the Reform Party.
9. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
   Reform Party.
10. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan.
11. Globe & Mail, June 14, 1991; Globe & Mail, June 13, 1991
12. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
13. SIRC interview of Bristow.
14. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint.
15. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional i
    Coordinator, Reform Party.
16. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
17. SIRC interview of Reg Gosse. The Heritage Front members were not
    licensed bailiffs.
18. SIRC interview of Ron Wood, Preston Manning's Press Secretary.
19. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
20. At least fifty people did arrive to protest the rally.
21. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege
22. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
23. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
24. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
25. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
26. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
27. SIRC Lnwerview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
28. SIRC interview of Source.
29. SIRC interview of Bristow
30. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party
31. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
32. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
33. SIRC interview of Bristow.
34. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege
35. SIRC interviews of Alan Overfield.
36. SIRC interviews of Alan Overfield.
37. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional 
    Coordinator, Reform Party.
38. SIRC interviews of Alan Overfield.
39. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
40. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
41. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator, 
    Reform Party.
42. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator, 
    Reform Party.
44. SIRC interview of Ron Wood, Press Secretary to Preston Manning.
45. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield. 
46. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
47. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
48. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
49. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
50. SIRC interview of Rugh Pendergast.
51. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
52. Rosie DiManno, "Ex-mercenary aims for country 'uniquely' white",
    Toronto Star, June 19, 1991
53. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
54. SIRC interview of Hugh Pendergast
55. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional Coordinator,
    Reform Party.
56. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
57. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
58. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
59. SIRC interview of Source
60. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
61. Stanley R. Barrett, "Is God a Racist?", Toronto: University of
    Toronto Press, 1989.
62. Murray Dobbin, "Preston Manning and the Reform Party", Halifax:
    Formac Publishing, 1992, pp. 277-Z78
63. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
64. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
65. Stanley R. Barrett, "Is God a Racist?", Toronto: University of
    Toronto Press, 1989, p. 79.
66. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield. Mr. Overfield denies being a
    "soldier" of the Western Guard Party and says he does not agree with
    the harassment of Jews and Blacks.
67. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
68. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
69. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
70. SIRC interview of Bristow.
71. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
72. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
73. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
74. SIRC interview of Harry Robertson
75. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
76. SIRC interview of Stephen Harper.
77. SIRC interview of Stephen Harper.
78. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
79. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
80. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
81. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
82. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
83. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
84. SIRC interGriew of Wolfgang Droege.
85. SIRC interview of Source.
86. SIRC interview of Source.
87. SIRC interview of Source.
88. Rosie DiManno, "Ex-mercenary aims for country 'uniquely' white",
    Toronto Star, June 19, 1991.
89. SIRC interview of Paul Relly, Former President, Scarborough West
    Riding Association, Reform Party.
90. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint.
91. SIRC interview of CSIS employee.
92. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
93. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan, Secretary to the Special
    Committee of the Executive Council, Reform Party of Canada.
94. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan, Secretary to the Special 
    Committee of the Executive Council, Reform Party of Canada 
95. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.  
96. SIRC interview of Clfford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating 
    Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
97. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
98. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield
99. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
100. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
101. SIRC interview of Source
102. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
103. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
104. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege
105. SIRC interview of Source.
106. SIRC interview of Source.
107. SIRC Hearing of Paul Fromm.
108. Instructor at Humber College.
109. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
110. SIRC interview of Bristow.
111. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
112. Tony Cincinnato is a follower of the Aryan movement and was active 
     in the Toronto white supremacist milieu during the early 1990's. In 
     November 1990 he established a Toronto Ku Klux Klan cell (now 
     defunct) and is an associate of Wolfgang Droege
113. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield
114. SIRC interview of Hugh Pendergast, Former Reform Party Candidate 
     and President, Beaches Woodbine Riding Association.
115. Hugh Pendergast completely denies he encouraged anyone to sign-up 
     at the C-FAR meeting
116. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield
117. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
118. SIRC interview of Source
119. SIRC interview of Hugh Pendergast.  
120. SIRC Hearing, CSIS Deputy Director Operations and Analysis (DDO).  
121. SIRC Rearing, CSIS DDO.
122. SIRC Hearing, CSIS DDO.
123. The former Solicitor General did not recall this report. SIRC 
     interview of Doug Lewis.  
124. SIRC interview of Source. 
125. SIRC interview of Source.
136. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional 
     Coordinator, Reform Party.
137. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional 
     Coordinator, Reform Party. 
138. SIRC interview of Source.
139. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
140. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
141. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
142. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
143. SIRC interview of Source.
144. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan, Secretary to the Special 
     Committee of the Executive Council, Reform Party of Canada.  
145. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating 
     Officer of the Reform Party of Canada
146. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating 
     Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
147. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating 
     Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
148. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and Chief Operating 
     Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
149. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan ,Secretary to the Special 
     Committee of the Executive Council, Reform Party of Canada.
150. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
151. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan. 
152. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan. 
153. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan.
154. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan.
155. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint, Former Ontario Regional 
     Coordinator, Reform Party.  
156. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
157. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
158. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan.
159. SIRC interview of Clifford Fryers, Chairman and  Chief
     Operating Officer of the Reform Party of Canada.
160. Murray Dobbin, "Preston Mannning and the Reform Party,
     Halifax: Formac Publishing Company, 1992", p. 271.
161. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
162. SIRC interview of John Toogood.
163. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
164. SIRC interview of Paul Relly.
165. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters, Former Campaign
     Worker for John Gamble.
166. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
167. SIRC interview of John Toogood.
168. SIRC interview of John Toogood.
169. SIRC interview of Reg Gosse.
170. SIRC interview of John Toogood
171. SIRC interview of Joe Lafleur, Former President,
     PC Party, Ritchener-Waterloo.
l72. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
173. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
174. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
175. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
176. SIRC interviews of John Toogood and Bernie Farber.
177. SIRC interview of Hugh Segal.
178. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
179. Lublin denied that this conversation ever took place.
180. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin
181. SIRC interview of Bristow. Lublin denied this was  his
     objective and he said that he did not have the qualifications 
     for the job.
182. SIRC interview of Bristow.
183. SIRC interview of Alan Overfield.
184. SIRC interview of Bristow.
185. SIRC interviews with: Colin Vaughn, Reporter; Ben Chin,
     Reporter; and John Thornton, Senior Assignments Editor.
186. SIRC interview of John Thompson.
187. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
188. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin
189. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint.
190. SIRC interview of Andrew Flint.
191. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
192. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don
     Valley West Riding Association, Reform Party.
193. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
194. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
195. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
196. SIRC interview of Bill King, Aide to Mike Harris.
197. SIRC  interview of Eric Wildhizer, Assistant  to  Jean
198. Frank Maqazine, "A Wolf in Tory Togs", April 29, 1993, p. 15.
199. SIRC interviews of Ron Wood and Richard Van Seters.
200. SIRC interview of John Thompson.
201. SIRC interview of John Thompson, Reform Party Advisor.
202. SIRC Hearing, WolEgang Droege.
203. Bill Dunphy, "Manning hounded by racist", Toronto Sun, May 28, 1994.
204. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
205. SIRC Rearing, Wolfgang Droege.
206. SIRC interview of Troy Tait, Policy Coordinator, Reform Party.
207. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
208. Lublin denied he was involved with the meeting.
209. SIRC interview of Source.
210. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
211. SIRC interview of Wolfgang Droege.
212. SIRC Lnterview of Thomas Flanagan.
213. SIRC lnterview of John Gamble.
214. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
215. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
216. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
217. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don
     Valley West Riding Association, Reform Party.
218. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
219. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan.
220. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
221. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
222. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
223. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley
     West Riding Association, Reform Party.
224. SIRC interview of Richard von Seters, Former  Campaign Worker for
     John Gamble.
225. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
226. SIRC interview of John Gamble.
227. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
228. SIRC interview of Michael Lublin.
229. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
230. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
231. SIRC interview of Richard Van Seters.
232. SIRC interview of Dorothy Dobbie.
233. SIRC interview of David Andrus.
234. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President,
     Don Valley West Riding Association, Reform Party.
235. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President,
     Don Valley West Riding Association, Reform Party.
236. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
237. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
238. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
239. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
240. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
241. SIRC interview of David Andrus, Former President of Don Valley West
     Riding Association, Reform Party.
242. SIRC interview of Thomas Flanagan:
243. SIRC interview of Rugh Pendergast.
244. SIRC interview of Betty MacDonald.
245. SIRC interview of John Beck.
246. Bruce  Rolston,  "Reform  blames  Tories  for  racist candidate."
     Varsity, October 4, 1994. Ron Wood was not available to
     comment on the quote when we sought to speak to him in November, 1994.
247. SIRC interview of John Beck.
248. Bruce  Rolston,  "Reform  blames  Tories  for  racist candidate."
     Varsity, October 4, 1994.
249. French  vehemently  denies  ever  making   any   such statement.
250. SIRC interview of Source.
251. SIRC interview of Source.
252. SIRC interview of Don Andrews.
253. Droege,  however,  encouraged  French  to  reveal  his membership during
     the 1994 municipal elections to increase his publicity.
254. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
255. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
256. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.
257. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
258. Droege does not recall such a conversation.  Overfield replied
     that he may or may not have said that.
259. SIRC interview of John Tory
260. SIRC Hearing, Alan Overfield.
261. SIRC interview of Former Solicitor General Doug Lewis.
262. SIRC interview of Blair Dickerson.
263. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
264. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
265. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
266. SIRC Hearing, Paul Fromm.
267. SIRC interview of John Gamble.

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