III. ALLEGED WHITE SUPREMACIST INFORMANT

   3.1 Background

      3.1.1 Counter-Intelligence Work  

The Source first came to the attention of CSIS through his contact 
with diplomats from a foreign country in 1986. On  January 29, 1986, 
CSIS learned that a diplomat from a foreign country had been in contact 
with two people "who were in a position to-provide information of 
interest to that conntry."
 
The Source's employer had been passing low level tidbits of information 
to the country's Vice-Consul in Toronto for the past three years without 
remuneration. The employer had developed a contact who was involved in 
the opposition community in Toronto.  

The Toronto Consulate official referred the Source and his employer to 
an Intelligence Officer who was posted to the Embassy in Ottawa. The 
foreign Intelligence Officer "assessed the Source's claims as being 
valid" and he "wanted to develop the Source into an access agent into 
the Toronto" movement.  

A Security Officer for the foreign country's Embassy met with the Source 
and his associate and said the Embassy needed a security firm to advise on 
security devices. The Security Officer also asked the Source to register 
him (the Officer) for university sessions on terrorism and videotape any 
opposition demonstrations. The Toronto Region Investigator recognized that 
the firm wanted the security contract despite the advice from CSIS that 
they back out of the relationship.  

CSIS approached the Source on March 6, 1986 following his meeting with 
the foreign government diplomat and he agreed to cooperate with the 
Service. The Source explained to the Toronto Region Investigator that he 
had a "contact" with access to those Toronto groups which opposed the 
foreign government.  

The foreign government representatives were developing the Source as an 
agent when the Department of External Affairs, on August 20, 1986, 
expelled one diplomat as "persona non grata" and did not permit the 
second to return to Canada on the same basis. The next month, the 
First Secretary at the Embassy renewed contact with the Source to 
continue to develop him as an access agent. Despite this contact, it 
appeared that the foreign Government lost interest in the Source. CSIS 
HQ suspected that a friend of the Source may have been an asset of the 
embassy and informed them that the Source was responsible for the 
"persona non grata" actions. 

     3.1.2 The White Supremacist Assignment  

In February 1987, the Source was re-directed to another target.

One factor which aided the decision to re-direct the Source was the 
fact that he was acquainted with an individual who worked with a right 
wing extremist. After the Source was introduced to the individual in 
February 1987, he contacted the CSIS handler "and provided unsolicited 
information about Aryan Nations involvement (and) indicated that he 
would be willing to infiltrate the right wing on behalf of CSIS."

When the Source met a CSIS Investigator from Toronto Region on February 
26, 1987, the CSIS mandate on right wing targets was explained to him. 
"He was also instructed that he could not break the law, regardless of 
how petty an offense might seem (e.g. spray painting right wing slogans 
or signs)."  

      3.1.3 Problems Develop

The Source offered to recruit his friend, a former police officer. The 
Investigator told the Source to keep the association with CSIS 
confidential. On March 5, 1987, a police force contacted Toronto Region 
and said that their informant received an offer by the Source to be 
introduced to a member of CSIS.  

After the first disclosure, the Source denied informing anyone of the 
CSIS association and was informed "in no uncertain terms that his 
relationship with CSIS must remain entirely confidential for his own 
protection." The Investigator was uncertain if the police source was 
told about CSIS by the Source or took an "educated guess".  

At CSIS HQ, in April 1987, a Unit Head stated that "this file is 
starting to smell a little funny" as he didn't like the way the Source 
and his friend may have teamed-up. But as the Service's relationship with 
the police was excellent and the source was under development, the 
operation would continue under "tight control."  

Toronto Region Managers concluded that the source operation was "not 
seriously undermined" and they hoped that "rigid control and direction 
will prevent any further breaches of security by this source." CSIS 
Headquarters supported the continued development of the Source with 
certain reservations, among them: "The source appears to be somewhat 
overzealous, which may have compromised his confidentiality. Security 
precautions should be reinforced and his progression in this field 
should be carefully monitored and directed." 

On June 11, 1987 the Toronto Region Investigator met with a police 
representative. CSIS was told that a police source was again advised by 
the Source that he was "currently working for the CSIS in a long-range 
operation."

CSIS HQ suggested and Toronto Region complied with the recommendation 
that the Source be told that the Service's priorities had changed and 
that it was no longer interested in his assistance. Contact with the 
Source ceased at that point.  

   3.2 The Radical Right

      3.2.1 The New Beginning

The Source next contacted the Toronto Region office over a year later 
on November 4, 1988. He had met an individual with close contacts in the 
extremist milieu. The Source felt that he should contact Toronto Region 
to apprise them of the situation.  

The Source told an Investigator that he had no personal interest in the 
radical right. He was told by the Toronto Investigator to notify him of 
any contacts with extremists.  

In view of the Source's past indiscretions to the police source, the 
Investigator offered no encouragement to the Source who, nevertheless 
said he would "identify as many of the individual cell members as 
possible."  

The Region worried about growing recruitment activities, particularly 
among Skinheads. The Region's investigators thought that the violent 
right-wing philosophy of the Identity Movement provided an excellent 
vent for the frustration expressed by the 'Skinheads' and that they may, 
by fortunate happenstance, have identified an acceleration of the 
violent activities of the rightwing movement in Toronto in its 
embryonic stage.  

The Region was not prepared to "let this developmental situation go 
unmonitored" and the Source was "clearly the best equipped to keep us 
abreast of developments."

      3.2.2 The Old Problem  

On December 12, 1988 the Intelligence Branch of a second police force 
contacted Toronto Region to advise that during the course of a criminal 
investigation, a police source reported that the Source claimed to have 
CSIS contacts.  

The Regional Investigator commented that directional control had not been 
a problem with this individual since he always ran any ideas past the 
investigator prior to implementing them and was receptive when advised not 
to proceed with a given plan. The Source was said to be an outgoing 
gregarious individual who was easy to get along with, and a positive 
relationship existed between him and the investigator.  

In May 1989, the Source reported that a Nationalist Party leader attended 
a party at Alan Overfield's house. Overfield was to become a prominent 
figure two years later when he linked the Heritage Front to the Reform 
Party.[1]
  
      3.2.3 Infiltration of the Right Wing

In the fall of 1988, the Source was invited to the residence of Don 
Andrews, the leader of the Nationalist Party of Canada. Seeing him for 
the first time, Andrews was precisely what the Source had expected: he 
was obviously a radical; he acted as a cult-like figure.  

Seated around Andrews' table with him at the weekly gathering were five 
people who had jobs. The rest of those present stood around the table; 
numbering about 10 people, Andrews called them his "Androids"[2]: 
unemployed persons who lived in Andrews' rooming houses. We were told 
that Andrews took the cheques they received, subtracted the rent and 
other expenses, and gave them the rest of their money, making a big 
production at his meetings of having them come up and get their money 
from him. Among other behaviours, Andrews berated his people for not 
remembering certain acronyms, such as OMS (one man show), during the 
tests that he administered.[3] Among others in Andrews' coterie was 
David Maxwell French. He used to spend his money on articles, especially 
uniforms, that belonged to dead Nazis. Souvenirs of Nazis who were still 
alive were not acceptable. Consequently, within the extremist movement, 
French had the nickname, the Necro-Nazi".[4] French said he never heard 
the term "Necro-Nazi".

Like a "floating crap game", people gravitated from hate literature[5] 
publisher Ernst Zundel to high school teacher Paul Fromm to Don Andrews 
and back over time.[6]  

A significant event took place in April, 1989. Don Andrews conducted a 
special meeting. His "Androids" were invited to his mansion. The people 
present were introduced to a friend who had been in Toronto for just a 
few days: Wolfgang Walter Droege.  

Droege had been released from Lompoc Prison in the United States on April 
21, 1989 four years after his conviction on drugs, weapons and illegal 
entry charges. He went to Toronto where he wanted to obtain money to 
establish himself before he moved on to join his girlfriend in another 
province.  

Droege was considered to be the senior statesman of the extreme right 
movement and, as a privilege, he sat at the table in Andrews' house. 
Droege had arrived in Canada with nothing, and so a considerable number 
of people helped him by providing accommodation, food, and shelter. 
Droege fairly quickly went to work as a part-time bailiff for Alan 
Overfield, a long time friend and one-time associate of the 
Nationalist Party.  

In July 1989 the Source reported that "Droege has mentioned an interest 
in starting a group called 'Society for the Preservation of the White 
Races (SPWR)" and the Source opined that "any group set up by Droege 
would almost certainly be action oriented." CSIS told its Source to 
monitor the situation.  

The next month, in August 1989, CSIS learned from the Source that Droege 
had further developed his concept of a group separate from the NPC. The 
name had changed to the "White Heritage Foundation" (WHF). Droege 
described the proposed WHF as "a group of dedicated white nationalists 
whose interest it would be to force the government to include their (WEF) 
mandate in the government agenda. The WHF would also act as a lobby group 
to protect the rights of white people." This would be the public side 
of WHF.  

The WHF would also have a covert side to it. One of the covert activities 
would be to set up an all white enclave. The WHF, under Droege's direction 
would target a specific county or  area and then use "whatever persuasive 
methods or inducements necessary to convince non-whites to leave the area."
 
But within the covert side would be still another level, an inner clique 
to be known to a select few as the "Brethren". It would be this group 
which would actually "control all aspects of the WHF." This clique was to 
be unknown to regular WHF members. Two other defecting members of the 
Nationalist Party of Canada, Gerald Lincoln and Grant Bristow, were 
being considered by Droege for positions in this group.  

Rumours were circulating in the NPC that another member and Grant 
Bristow were "RCMP 'snitches'" and so Andrews suggested that Droege 
should take Bristow around to meet people so that Droege could then 
vouch for him.  

   3.3 Trip to Libya - Founding the Heritage Front

      3.3.1 The Start  

The Source was among a group of seventeen people invited by Andrews to 
travel to Tripoli to attend the 20th Anniversary Celebration of the 
Libyan Revolution, from August 26, 1989 to September 4, 1989. Don Andrews 
claimed that he could not go himself because he was involved in a Court 
case and could not leave Ontario.  

The Source believed that most people were chosen because they wouid not 
embarrass Andrews and his Party. Those who owned luggage were also 
favoured. Another criterion was money. There was to be a stopover in Rome 
for a plane change and Andrews wanted people who had enough money to pay 
for their own accommodation there.' Andrews paid for most of the rest of 
the trip by using money advanced by Libya; this was likely arranged 
through a Libyan agent.  

The "anointed deputies" in the Andrews group were Nicola Polinuk, June 
and Max French, Wayne Elliot, and Anne Ladas who was in charge of the 
delegation having been to Libya previously.[8]
   
The travel itinerary called for a plane change in Rome on  the way to 
Libya and a one day stop there on the way back. The 17 representatives 
of the Nationalist Party of Canada shared accommodation.[9]
  
In Rome, on the way to Libya, the group would await their flight for a 
couple of hours. Asked to present passports in Rome, most of the NPC 
group experienced no problems. Wolfgang Droege, however, was pushed to 
the side along with James Dawson, Max French and June French. These four 
people were on the same ticket and the Rome anti-terrorist squad wanted 
to interview Droege and possibly dissuade him and the others from going 
to Libya. An Italian agent was reported as saying: "its too hot in 
Libya" and Max French said: "we'll put on shorts". Droege then told Max 
to "shut your mouth."[10]

      3.3.2 Malta to Tripoli

The NPC group flew from Rome to Malta. There they were placed on a boat 
later described by the group as a "converted prison ship" which went 
from Malta to Libya. Gerry Lincoln, James Dawson, Wolfgang Droege, and 
Grant Bristow roomed together in what was called a "bottom-dungeon". The 
right wing racists had to be separated from the left wing anti-fascists 
for the former's protection.[11] After the ship docked, the NPC group 
were not allowed to disembark and only after several days of complaining 
were they allowed to reside in Camp Kadhafi some miles from Tripoli.  

At the Camp, the Nationalist Party group was told that there would be a 
parade in a stadium; anyone who participated had to wear Muammar Kadhafi's 
green uniforms. If her group complied, Anne Ladas would get to sit near 
Kadhafi. Max French, always preoccupied with wearing uniforms, desperately 
wanted to wear one in the parade.  

Droege, and the others were told of the plan to wear uniforms and march 
in the parade. Droege stood up and said he would not do it. At first, it 
was sixteen to one against him. However, the Source did not want to be 
videotaped in a Libyan uniform and so he stood up and supported Droege. 
Ladas then said she would tell the Libyans and they would give the 
Source and Droege a hard time.  

These words stimulated a groundswell of support from those who agreed 
with the two dissidents, including Lincoln and Dawson.[12]
  
Max French called the two dissidents every imaginable name and was most 
disappointed with the  decision, but he eventually received his uniform. 
[13] French denies this account.  

Droege had defied the Party line and created a division between himself 
and Andrews. Droege told  the Source that he had realized that Kadhafi's 
government supported the African National  Congress which was killing 
whites in South Africa. This made the regime anathema to him, from a 
racist ideology point of view.[14]
  
      3.3.3 Landing in Chicago

On the return flight from Rome, some members of the delegation examined 
their tickets and saw that the return route was: Rome-Chicago-Toronto. 
When Anne Ladas was asked about this, she was reported to have said that 
the Chicago stop only involved waiting in the international transit  
lounge. Droege was not allowed to enter the United States as a condition 
of his release from prison  there. He had served four and a half years of 
a thirteen year sentence and he was prohibited from  re-entering the 
United States for five years.[15]

On the airplane to Chicago, Droege sat beside Grant Bristow rather than 
James Dawson who was a very large person. The stewardess handed out the 
customs declarations and it was evident that Droege and his group would 
formally enter the United States. Droege asked "what are we going to do" 
and Bristow responded,"we'll probably get arrested".[16]

Droege protested to the Alitalia staff on the plane. He told Bristow to 
instruct the others to clear Customs and Immigration and then call 
Andrews when they landed. Droege wondered whether Andrews had conspired 
to have him arrested, given the routing. Droege could have been 
reincarcerated for another nine years in jail if things had gone badly 
for him.[17]
  
Droege wanted to stay on the plane and fly back to Rome, but the aircraft 
Captain told him either to get off or be charged with piracy. [18] The 
NPC members were arrested and some received threats from US officers. 
They were strip-searched and had their body cavities probed for 
contraband.[19]

The entire group, including the Source, were detained by US Customs for 
several hours and subjected to interviews. The Nationalist Party of 
Canada people, except Droege, were then allowed to go through passport 
control and clear Immigration. [20]

Anne Ladas and Nicola Polinuk telephoned Don Andrews who instructed them 
to come back to Canada. Andrews told Bristow to retain a lawyer for 
Droege while the rest of the group returned to Toronto as soon as 
permitted.  

Andrews then spoke again to Ladas and Polinuk. They left for a short 
time and then returned with $1,000 which they gave to Bristow for Droege. 
The funds were Libya's gift to the Nationalist Party of Canada. Lincoln, 
Dawson and the rest of the group contributed $250 to pay for a hotel for 
Bristow. A member of the group called the Canadian Consulate to inform 
them of Droege's arrest.[21]

Following Andrews' instructions, Bristow contacted a lawyer for Droege 
in Chicago. He then contacted a representative of the Canadian Consulate. 
The diplomat informed Bristow there was no point in waiting around and he 
could return to Canada. Bristow took the advice. [22]

Prior to Bristow's departure, he gave the lawyer $1,000 as a retainer, 
and a list with the names of the Alitalia Airline employees who were 
present when Droege made his protest. The German lawyer who began the 
case was not available when Droege was  to appear in Court. A Jewish 
lawyer from the same legal firm represented him. Droege was quite "seized 
up" when it happened, but would laugh about it later with his Heritage 
Front associates.[23] 
 
The lawyer told Droege that for an extra $2,000, he could get Droege 
out immediately. Otherwise, he would languish in prison for some time 
before release. Droege was freed after forty-eight hours.  

      3.3.4 The Return

Droege was released and driven to Niagara Falls by the American 
authorities at night. At the border, he took a bus which arrived at 6:00 
in the morning in Toronto. Droege called Don Andrews to inform him of 
his arrival and Andrews invited Droege to come over for breakfast. [24]
  
When he arrived, Droege found a policeman with Andrews. The officer told 
Droege that Andrews had nothing to do with the arrest and placed the blame 
on an Andrews "Schlep." This person, it was said, had tried to make a 
deal that if he were given a passport, he would be the eyes and ears of 
the OPP for what happened in Libya. The OPP did not accept the offer.[25]  

Tensions were high in the NPC after the trip to Libya, particularly 
among those who had gone there. The entire group had worried about being 
attacked in Libya, they were arrested in Chicago and they were subjected 
to humiliating interviews and body cavity searches; people were generally 
tired and fed up.  

James Dawson was turned back in a subsequent attempt to enter the USA and 
the Source reported that all who went to Libya felt that they too were on 
the Watch list. Several in the group (Dawson, Lincoln, Wayne and Donna 
Elliot) were thinking of breaking with the Nationalist Party and "throwing 
their support behind Droege."

The general consensus was that Don Andrews actions and, in particular, 
the Libyan trip, did the most to cause people to leave the Nationalist 
Party of Canada.  

      3.3.5 The Founding

On September 25, 1989 the Heritage Front was formed by Wolfgang Droege 
at a meeting attended by Gerald Lincoln, Grant Bristow and James Dawson. 
These people were foils to Droege, according to the sources we contacted. 
Gerry Lincoln would be the president while Droege and Bristow would work 
"behind the scenes as 'silent' executives."

Wolfgang Droege, under oath, told the Review Committee that:

   "I already had this idea for a number of years myself, but I said to 
   them basically, 'Fine, but I'm not going to be the one who is going 
   to do all the work. If I have the support of others, I am willing to 
   form an organization, and if I don't, I'm not going to do it myself.' 
   So, especially Gerry Lincoln and Grant Bristow assured me that they 
   would be totally supportive if I were to start an organization". [26]  

The precipitating event was the trip to Libya, Droege stated that the 
Nationalist Party people challenged him and  "So, that is what then 
really led me to say, 'When we get back, we will start an organization'
... and some time in October of 1989 that's when I said, 'Okay, let's do 
it.'[27]"  

Droege said that he suggested the name for the Heritage Front and "I was 
the one who most people tended to follow because most people felt I had 
put myself on the line a number of times."[28] He also said that even if 
Bristow and Lincoln had not supported the idea of the Front at that time, 
"I felt eventually it would happen because I totally disagreed with 
Mr. Andrews' positions or his views."[29] As the person with the most 
contacts in the extreme right he said that "I wanted to go to these 
people and say, 'Okay, the intention is to form an organization which is 
to be national rather than just regional, an organization which an 
average Canadian can identify with."[30]
  
James Dawson registered the Heritage Front on October 2, 1989. During 
that week, Droege held a meeting with Lincoln, Jim Dawson and Bristow 
where he said the HF will have a "KosherConservative" line publicly but 
will use the group to "clandestinely forward the white supremacist 
movement." Lincoln said there was no clandestine agenda.  

In CSIS' Toronto Region, the Acting Regional Director General confirmed 
the tasking of a source against Droege on October 4, 1989 for six months. 
Droege became a Level 2 target on that date. The handling of the Source 
was reassigned to a more senior Investigator on October 3, 1989.

The original concept for the Front, as defined by Droege, was that there 
would be two "wings": a political wing and a military or direct action 
wing. The political wing would be made up of people who were not suitable 
for activist work; that is to say, they would engage in political 
propaganda work. The people in the military wing would work at 
demonstrations and they would distribute leaflets. We learned that Droege 
also formed the October 2nd Committee, "an active measures commando unit 
to be run by him and to use selected skinheads."  

To distance the new Heritage Front from the NPC, Lincoln would publish 
a newsletter, based on USA material with "no hate material, just 
pro-white."

The Heritage Front was to have, in theory, four levels: the first would 
be "the Brethren": Droege, Lincoln, and Bristow. The second would comprise 
the Executive Council: James Dawson, the Brethren and rising stars in the 
HF. The third would be the HF membership and the last level would comprise 
supporters and subscribers to the new newsletter.
  
We learned that Droege intended to unite under the Heritage Front those 
persons in Canada who were associated with The Order, the Ku Klux Klan and 
the Aryan Nations. The Front would be the primary vehicle for "furthering 
the white supremacist movement in Canada", Droege was going to contact 
white supremacists in the United States to get their mailing lists of 
Canadian supporters.  Droege's plan was not only to unite the white 
supremacists under the Heritage Front banner. When that was accomplished, 
Droege wanted to buy land in the Peterborough area, control the town 
council and try to legislate racist views into the by-laws. 
 
Droege wanted the Heritage Front to be a more focused version of 
The Order in the United States. The group would attack armoured cars 
and black drug dealers for funds. The Front, according to the Source, 
would not target minorities but rather, it would use selective violence 
against "race-traitors": those Christian whites who disagreed with 
white supremacist views. [31]

Droege hoped to get cash from the Libyans in return for information on 
Jewish groups in Canada. To this end, Droege asked Bristow to accompany 
him to Montreal to learn which Libyan officials he should contact in 
Canada. Droege hoped to obtain major funding from the Libyans.  

Droege decided to include the other people assisting him as equals: 
Dawson registered the Heritage Front and all four would pay for its start 
up: Droege paid one half and Lincoln and Bristow each paid a remaining 
quarter of the start up costs. These comprised a $50 registration fee, 
letterhead stationary and several other expenses for a total of 
approximately $300 to $350. There was no office and no staff to pay. [32] 
The UP Front magazine would cost $1,000 an issue to print but it would 
come out only in 1991. A description of financial issues is provided 
in chapter VI.  

Droege needed people to take action on his ideas and someone to put 
these ideas on paper: he used Lincoln for that purpose. By October 2, 
1989, Gerry Lincoln was writing all the materials and all the propaganda. 
In addition to propaganda, the Source reported that Lincoln later gave 
large amounts of his money to pay for the publication of Up Front Magazine, 
the Heritage Front's major propaganda outlet and, eventually, "cash cow".
[33] Lincoln said he did not provide a great deal of money for the 
magazine.  

In regard to the 'active measures' cell called the 'October 2nd Committee', 
the Source was initially tasked to be a member and assist in this cell's 
training and operations. The Source was able to decline the offer, 
indicating to Droege that it  was not his style. The Source had been 
instructed by the CSIS Investigator "to remove himself from any 
potentially criminal endeavour being planned by the HF or its commando 
cell."  

Droege generated some ideas for making money to pay for the Heritage 
Front.[34] Among them were "taking down" drug dealers to get the money. 
The Source raised the problem of their having guns, and used other 
arguments to try to dissuade Droege from pursuing this and like ideas.[35]

Droege made Grant Bristow his assistant because he could "take the heat".
[36] In 1989 and afterwards, there were two security chiefs in the 
Heritage Front: Eric Fischer and Grant Bristow. Bristow had floating 
responsibilities as Droege had various visions of what he wanted to 
happen. Grant Bristow was also appointed as an office manager (of sorts) 
to supervise the administrative requirements of the HF.

Mainly, however, Bristow was there to help Droege find cars for his 
bailiff duties. Droege was working for Al Overfield, repossessing cars. 
But before they were repossessed, they had to be found. Bristow was good 
at locating cars.  

Droege said that Bristow was important to him because Grant "showed him 
the ropes" after he (Droege) began working for Accurate Bailiff Services 
run by Al Overfield. For this initial help, Droege owed Bristow a lot, and 
a strong friendship developed. He continued, in part, to shield Bristow 
from attacks by other members, who often alleged that he was an 
informant, because of this initial friendship. [37]

      3.3.6 CSIS Knowledge

Toronto Region reported to CSIS HQ on October 10, 1989 that Droege was 
founding the Heritage Front based on the September 26, 1989 meeting.  

CSIS continued to have considerable concern about the Source's association 
with Droege: "in view of Droege's background, source should be advised to 
avoid any involvement in illegal activities". Nevertheless, the Source was 
instructed to report on him.  

The Service stated that due to Droege's record of criminal activity and 
his stated intention to  conduct robberies in order to gain funding for 
the HF, a brief on their interest in his activities would  be provided to 
the RCMP[38] HQ said that ...Toronto Region's cooperation and judgement 
would be  relied upon to ensure that the Source's association with Droege 
did not become a matter of police  responsibility.  
 
The Service watched the development of the HF with great interest. 
The Source and Droege  attended the Northern Foundation Conference where 
the former's presence "was beneficial in  allowing the Service to monitor 
Droege's launching of the HF."  

As 1990 began, the Source was targeted against Wolfgang Droege by virtue 
of his increasingly  lead role in the white supremacist movement in 
Canada. The Service acknowledged that Droege  had included the Source in 
the top level of his new organization and continued to trust the source  
and utilize his talents in an effort to further his political 
aspirations; others were added later.  

The fundamental reason that CSIS kept the Source targeted against 
Wolfgang Droege was to give  the Service time to assess the greatest 
threat and adjust accordingly. Their main concern was that  if Droege 
becomes the leading Aryan movement personality in Canada his 
organization would be  harder to penetrate due to his past experience 
and security consciousness. If this scenario were to materialize they 
would be fortunate to have a source in on the ground floor.  

Footnotes:

1.  In the 1970's Alan Overfield had been an active member of the 
    rightwing Edmund Burke Society and the violence prone Western 
    Guard Party. During 1972, Overfield was one of the Western Guard 
    members who received firearms training at a camp north of Kaladar, 
    Ontario. In the 1980's Overfield became associated with the 
    Nationalist Party of Canada. Mr. Overfield denies being prone 
    to violence.  
2.  SIRC interview of source.
3.  SIRC interview of Source
4.  SIRC interview of Source.
5.  Mr. Zundel indicated that he published "truth literature", 
    not "hate literature", and that he has never been convicted 
    of publishing hate literature.  
6.  SIRC interview of Source. 
7.  SIRC interview with Source. 
8.  SIRC interview with Source.
9.  SIRC interview with Source.  
10. SIRC interview with Source.  
11. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 
12. SIRC interview with Source
13. SIRC interview with Source.
14. SIRC interview with Source.
15. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.  
16. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.  
17. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.  
18. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
19. SIRC interview with Source.
20. SIRC interview with Source.
21. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
22. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow. 
23. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow
24. SIRC interview with Source.  
25. SIRC interview with Source. 
26. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.  
27. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.  
28. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
29. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege
30. SIRC Hearing, Wolfgang Droege.
31. Mr Droege does not agree with the expression "more focused". 
    He says that he learned from the mistakes of the Order and stated 
    that that was not a way of successfully promoting the ideas of 
    the Heritage Front. He denies all that is said in the paragraph.
32. SIRC interview of Grant Bristow.  
33. SIRC interview of Source
34. SIRC interview of Source.  
35. Mr Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front.  
36. SIRC interview with Grant Bristow.
37. SIRC interview with Wolfgang Droege. 
38. Mr. Droege denies promoting robberies to fund the Heritage Front.  

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