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From: dgannon@teleport.com (Dan Gannon)
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Subject: KRISTALLNACHT: Instigators, Victims and Beneficiaries.
Date: 10 Nov 1993 04:13:54 -0800
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                             Excerpts from:

                    _FLASH POINT: Kristallnacht 1938,
                 Instigators, Victims and Beneficiaries_
                           by Ingrid Weckert


Published by
Institute for Historical Review
P.O. Box 2739
Newport Beach, California 92659

All rights reserved
English translation (C)opyright 1991
Institute for Historical Review
ISBN 0-939484-37-4


Table of Contents (minus page numbers) is as follows:

Publisher's Preface
In Place of a Foreword
     I. The Grynszpan Case
    II. The Jewish "Declaration of War", March 24, 1933
   III. Statements of the German-Jewish Communities
    IV. Anti-German Agitation Centers in Paris
     V. The Murder of Wilhelm Gustloff
    VI. Echoes of the Grynszpan Assault in German Public Opinion
   VII. November 9th, 1938
        Unknown Provocateurs....Gathering of the Old Guard and
        Goebbel's Address....Goebbels -- Instigator of the
        KRISTALLNACHT?....Gauleiters and SA-Chief of Staff Forbid
        Action by Brownshirts....Where was Reinhard Heydrich That
        Night?....Postwar History and Historical Truth.
   VII. Schallermeier's "Sworn Statement"
    IX. What Happened in the Fuhrer's Apartment that Night
     X. Anti-Jewish Incidents
    XI. Dimensions of the Damage
        Heydrich's Report of November 11, 1938 to Hermann Goering....
        Minutes of a Meeting in the Air Ministry, November 12, 1938....
        Report of the Party Supreme Court to Goering, February 13,
        1939....Summary
   XII. Destruction of Synagogues
  XIII. New "Documentation"?
   XIV. The Other Heydrich Telex
        Format of the "Telex"....Content of the Telex
    XV. The "Muller Telex" and other "Documents"
   XVI. The Role of the Brownshirts
  XVII. Extent and Effect of the Destruction
 XVIII. After the KRISTALLNACHT
   XIX. Cui Bono?
    XX. Conference in the Ministry of the Interior
   XXI. Conference in the Air Ministry, November 12, 1938
  XXII. Jews Among Foreign Nations
 XXIII. Jewish Emigration Problems
        The Ha'avara Agreement....The Evian Conference and the
        "Intergovernmental" Committee....The Schacht Plan....The
        Rublee-Wohlthat Agreement....The Schacht-Rublee Conversations:
        Epilogue
  XXIV. The KRISTALLNACHT in Judicial Proceedings After 1945
   XXV. Conclusions
        Herschel Grynszpan....The "Ligue Internationale Contre
        l'Anti-Semitisme" (LICA)....A Murder Staged to Incite a Pogrom?
        ....Concerns of the German Government....Efforts Toward Jewish
        Emigration...."Final Solution" Meant Emigration or Resettlement
  XXVI. KRISTALLNACHT Without End?
Appendix
     Text of the Rublee-Wohlthat Agreement
Footnotes
Bibliography
Glossary of Persons Mentioned in the Text
Index


                              Chapter XXV

                          *** Conclusions ***

     This study of the REICHSKRISTALLNACHT draws to an end.  Who, then,
set the synagogues afire?  Was it Dr. Goebbels?  Heinrich Himmler?
Reinhard Heydrich?  Or Adolf Hitler?  Was it a Nazi conspiracy?  Was it
the start of "the extermination of the Jews"?

     These questions are regarded today as having been answered in the
affirmative, the answers having become "generally known historical
facts" that, however, people are not free to dispute -- and, in
Germany, forbidden by law even to doubt.  Nevertheless, up to the
present day not an atom of evidence linking anyone in the government of
the Third Reich to the KRISTALLNACHT has been presented.

     It should be clearly understood at the outset that what we know as
the KRISTALLNACHT is a whole complex of events in which differing
trends and actions commingle.  Only our purveyors of contemporary
history, writing out of context, reporting in a grotesquely twisted and
over-simplified manner, can make a "National Socialist Jewish pogrom"
out of it.

     This study has tried to identify the individual threads of the
tapestry, and to show to what other threads each is knotted.  In other
words, the book is intended to enable the reader to discern the
connections these events and occurrences had with one another.

                           Herschel Grynszpan

     First, there is the "Grynszpan case."  Weighing all the data, it
can be affirmed, with highly probable certainty, that it was the LICA
who induced him to murder vom Rath.  There is a valid conjecture as to
why Grynszpan refused to admit that during his police interrogations:
the LICA had guaranteed him its (very potent) support -- on condition
he remain silent.  The LICA lawyer, Moro-Giafferi, was at his side
immediately after Grynszpan's murderous assault.  Grynszpan spent a
quiet time in a French jail.  After the defeat of France in 1940, he
was taken to Germany, but his planned trial was never held.

     To what extent the LICA, and its collaborators in Germany, had a
hand in that turn of events, too, cannot be ascertained.  The reasons
for not having a trial lie entirely in the dark.  Grynszpan disappeared
mysteriously from the scene.  It may be assumed, however, and
realistically, that secret negotiations between the National Socialist
government and the "Reich Union of Jews" produced this extraordinary
situation.

     It has long ceased to be a secret that practically every Jew
detained in a camp or held in prison in Germany in whom the
international Jewish associations were especially interested could
obtain his freedom -- naturally in exchange for a commensurate service
by the Jewish side.  Only the Jewish leaders knew the criteria they
used to decide their choices.  The motives for wanting the release of a
17 year-old murderer must have been very grave.  Grynszpan, simply as a
person, would not have justified it.  At the same time, so powerful an
organization the LICA was that, in any event, it was in a position to
press effectively its demand that Grynszpan be freed.  After the war,
under a new name, and with fresh papers, he resurfaced -- in Paris,
where the LICA still had its headquarters.

     While Grynszpan spent the war years safely in French and in German
custody, or at liberty in some place unknown, his family emigrated to
Palestine.  It will be remembered that, in the consequence of the
"Polish passport crisis" in October 1938 the Grynszpan family was
deported from Hanover to Poland.  The Grynszpans found refuge in
Bentschen, but didn't stay there long.  An American Jewish organization
got the parents, a brother, and a sister authorizations to immigrate to
Palestine.  Such authorization normally was based on certain
prerequisites: the applicant must be proficient in a craft or trade
needed in Palestine -- clothes-mending, preeminently, was not among
them -- or show 1,000 Palestine Pounds in currency, per family, upon
entry.  Mr. Grynszpan had been out of work and living on German social
welfare payments for years.  It is difficult to suppose that he
accumulated the enormous sum of 1,000 Pounds Sterling (or Palestine
Pounds) and had it on hand in cash.

     Then how did he get himself and his family into Palestine?  The
Jewish-American organization got them the immigrant papers, did it give
them also the 1,000 Pounds entry money?  Or was that contributed by the
LICA?

     Either way, that was the pay-off for Herschel Grynszpan's silence.
He was not punished.  He lived securely through the war years, and was
given the opportunity for a fresh start.

        The "Ligue International Contre l'Anti-Semitisme" (LICA)

     By its actions to damage and discredit Germany, the LICA had
gained some notoriety.  After the metamorphosis of Monsieur Lecache's
propaganda center into an "International League Against Anti-Semitism,"
LICA, it staged demonstrations that attracted public attention to this
new Jewish cabal.  It produced a monster spectacular on the occasion of
the burning of the Reichstag (the German parliament building in Berlin)
on the night of February 27, 1933, a theatrical "trial of the National
Socialist government" that hit its high (or low, according to taste)
when the LICA "prosecutor," one Moro Giafferi, shrieked histrionically,
"Goering, you set the fire!"

     The LICA served as a mouthpiece for Albert Einstein in publishing
his proclamation.  Einstein was visiting the United States when, on
January 30, 1933, Reich President von Hindenburg appointed Adolf Hitler
Chancellor of Germany.  Whereupon, Einstein resolved not to return to
Germany, even though some circles in Berlin virtually entreated him to
come back.

     He did go back to Europe, but stopped in Belgium, to settle his
personal affairs from there.  Then he wrote an insulting letter to Max
Planck, the President of the Prussian Academy of Science, and took ship
to America.  On March 27, 1933, the ship called at at LeHavre.  A LICA
delegation came aboard to solicit the famous physicist's views on
Germany.  Einstein had left Germany months ago and had no direct
knowledge of conditions there since January 30th, but that did not
deter him from giving the LICA the text of a proclamation reading:

       The brutal violence and oppression committed against all free
     spirits, and against the Jews... these acts of violence that have
     taken place in Germany fortunately have awakened the conscience of
     all countries that remain true to humanity and political freedom.

       The International League against Anti-Semitism has performed the
     great service of defending justice by securing the unity of the
     peoples who are not infected by the poison.  It is very much to be
     hoped that the reaction will be strong enough to prevent Europe's
     relapse into long-forgotten times of barbarism.  May all friends
     of our so gravely menaced civilization concentrate their efforts
     to remove this psychic sickness from the world.  I am with
     you.^152

     The verbiage bears a malodorous resemblance to the mouthings of
Samuel Untermeyer a few months later, in August, 1933, in Amsterdam and
in New York.  Now, as then, no specific accusation is made; instead
there is an overall calumny and denunciation of Germany as the
incarnation of evil and inhumanity.  Opposing Germany are the "good
guys" fighting for humanity, justice, freedom, and, of course,
democracy.

     The self-serving sanctimoniousness of this primitive white vs.
black is characteristic of a certain type of Germany's enemies (others
lie just as viciously, but are more sophisticated about it).  This type
of anti-German hate agitation is possible because those at whom it is
aimed are usually too apathetic to inquire into the substance of the
fantastic assertions that are made.  In Einstein's case, one wonders
how a mathematical genius can be so simple-minded -- if he was, in fact
so simple-minded -- as to sign a pronouncement such as the one the LICA
put before him.

     The LICA's next official appeal was in 1936, when David
Frankfurter murdered Wilhelm Gustloff, the NSDAP country-group leader
in Switzerland.  It was not only the attempt of the LICA's star
barrister, Moro Giafferi, to take over the murderer's defense before a
Swiss court that made the Frankfurter/LICA connection an obvious one.
After an orderly trial, Frankfurter was found guilty and sentenced to
fifteen years in prison.  He was released, prematurely, in 1945.  With
the help of his influential friends, he went to Palestine.  What hopes
had rested on that murder can only be surmised.  But it provoked no
repercussions in Germany.

     In general, what the chroniclers wrote of the activities of
another Jewish organization was true also of the LICA: "...always in
the background, pulling countless strings, organizing ever new methods
of operating undergound, but always fighting..."^153

                   A Murder Staged to Incite a Pogrom?

     What was the purpose of the murderous attack on vom Rath?  From
the beginning, all who became involved in the case agreed that the
person of Legation Secretary vom Rath had nothing to do with it.
Grynszpan's initial heroic pose as "an avenger of the Jewish people"
was transparently false.  The LICA, or whoever primed the murderer, had
a different aim.  SOMEONE had to be murdered -- it just happened to be
the young diplomat -- not because a victim, but because a murderer was
needed -- a JEWISH murderer.

     What game is being played here?  A man is murdered, on an open
stage, as it were.  The victim is a German diplomat.  The murderer is a
Jew; he does not try to hide, nor to flee, but acts as though he wanted
to be caught, and he is caught.  It is the murderer who is the object
of the exercise.  The instigators need a murderer -- a Jewish murderer
-- because they expect the murder by a Jew to provoke a spontaneous
reaction in Germany that they hope will turn into a pogrom.

     Is that too bold a conjecture?  In eastern Europe, a murder -- and
often a far lesser offense -- frequently led to a popular uprising
against the Jews, to the outbreak of a pogrom.  In Prague, a Jew had
done nothing more than throw sand at a priest; that was enough to cause
a bloodbath in which more than four thousand Jews were killed.  When
the Russian Czar Alexander II lost his life in a bomb attack in May
1881, a Jewess was among those arrested on the spot.  Whether or not
she may have had a part in the assassination was not even considered.
There was a massacre of Jews that took the lives of thousands.  Murder
was a tried and proven technique for unleashing a pogrom.

     There remains the question: Why was a pogrom in Germany desired
under all circumstances?  Was it intended to cause distress among the
Jews in Germany?  The "propitious storm" for which Jabotinsky yearned
and strove comes to mind.

     Bernard Lecache, the LICA capo, and Vladimir Jabotinsky, the
founder of the Zionist Revisionist Party, were both born in Odessa and
had worked together closely since Jabotinsky founded his party in 1925
in Paris, where Lecache had come to identify himself very largely with
Jabotinsky's ideas.  It is therefore highly probable that the
"propitious storm" was a man-made typhoon intended to blow the Jews out
of their host countries, and in particular, out of Germany, into
Palestine.  Jabotinsky used many connections to Jewish communities in
Germany to set up the necessary contacts.  That, in itself, was not
enough to produce a pogrom; it was a first step.

     What would have happened if the Germans were as easily aroused to
passion, and to taking action, as are, for example, the Russians, or
the Poles?  There were cruel and bloody persecutions of the Jews in
Poland and in Russia as recently as the third decade of this century.
The governments remained largely impassive, often not intervening until
days after the riots had started, and the ringleaders' craving for
vengeance against the Jews had begun to subside.

     To be sure, it must be recognized that in these countries a Jewish
pogrom was a form of catharsis: The dammed-up popular resentment, and
dissatisfaction, actually directed at the government, found a scapegoat
in the Jews, and in this way the people worked off their "anti-
government" emotions.

     In Germany, a Jewish pogrom tolerated -- or even organized -- by
the state would have had a completely different effect.  If the
National Socialist leaders had sent out the arsonists and the bully-
boys who took part in the tumults of that November night -- as the "re-
educators" keep trying to claim -- those tumults would have taken on
other proportions, but they would not have had the approval, let alone
cooperation, of the general population.  The overwhelming majority of
Germans would not have supported a state-orchestrated pogrom, and would
have taken a stand decidedly against the regime.  The German leadership
at one stroke would have dissipated its most valuable asset: the love
and respect, not to say reverence, they had for the person of Adolf
Hitler.  Whereupon, most probably, internal disturbances would have
followed.

     The provocateurs who made every effort to incite anti-Jewish
aggression found only a very faint echo among the population: a few
wild anti-Semites; a few ruffians; some street rabble; a fringe of
asocials; one or another steamed-up Brownshirt troop.  That was the
full array.  Despite their years of preparation -- at least since the
murder of Wilhelm Gustloff in February, 1936 -- and their most
strenuous efforts -- that was all the backing the instigators could
drum up.  Hardly adequate for a full-scale pogrom, with hundreds,
perhaps thousands, slain.  The German leadership would have known that
beforehand, and never would have counted on an uncontrolled blood-lust
on the part of the German people.  That someone did count on that is
evidence of a dismal ignorance of the German character and a skewed
perception of the German social order.

     In this author's opinion, the plan that launched the November
occurrences was to encourage the incidents to spread to such an extent
that they could be exploited to work up the people against their
government.

     With that, the impatiently awaited opportunity would have come for
the moral perverts who today are "proud" to acknowledge that they
betrayed their country during the government of Adolf Hitler.  Bringing
Austria into the German Reich, the Munich Agreement, were events that
disturbed them deeply, since such international political successes
heightened Adolf Hitler's prestige abroad and strengthened his
popularity at home.

     One of the traitors was Capt. Fritz Wiedemann (Ret.), the
Fuehrer's personal adjutant.  Behind Hitler's back, he maintained
liaison with British intelligence, passing over secret records of
conferences, reports, and other confidential material to which, in his
position of trust, he had easy access.  By spurious accounts and lying
tales, he strove to create the impression in England that Germany was
in "complete confusion"; the Fuehrer's authority and prestige ruined,
not only among the entire German people, but among his closest
collaborators.

     It is intriguing to observe that Wiedemann, in a secret report
dated June 30, 1938 to his confidential connection, Secretary of State
Sir Robert Vansittart -- which the latter then conveyed to Prime
Minister Neville Chamberlain -- stated that, at Hitler's prompting,
Goebbels had instructed his subordinate Party organizations that
"mistreatment of the Jews" was to start anew.  Really uncanny, how
Wiedemann foresees the events of a few months later.

     In his June 30, 1938 report to Vansittart, Wiedemann claims also
that a number of highly placed observers were of the view that "a
political set-back for the Nazi-system, and for the Fuehrer himself --
as long as it did not hurt the German people -- would have some
repercussions, and hasten the coming of the crisis."^154

     If the contemplated political setback was not to be at the expense
of the German people, a most suitable alternate victim had to be
chosen: the Jewish people.

     The traitorous clique in Germany kept up many contacts with
foreign organizations hostile to Germany, and used those connections to
obtain help in furthering their plans to overturn the German
government.  Many publications have revealed numerous ties to England.
The existence of analogous links between German conspirators and the
LICA cannot reasonably be denied.  In any case, the plotters' plans and
prognoses, sent out clandestinely, are sure to have reached Jewish
circles, and the Jews would not have been the last to welcome a change
in the political order in Germany.

     It was not only German traitors, working for the downfall of
Hitler, for whom a pogrom, with its attendant disturbances, would have
been highly opportune.  Testimony on hand indicates that certain
Zionist elements, who tried by every means to get the German Jews to
emigrate to Palestine, secretly would have welcomed anti-Jewish
measures in Germany.  World Jewry, represented in the League of Nations
by the Jewish Agency, also was stirring for a political change in
Germany.  A pogrom, that would be seen as verifying his constant
assertions of the suffering of German Jews under the "Nazi Terror,"
would have been especially welcome to Nahum Goldmann, the Zionist
leader.

     Then there was still the matter of the plan to partition
Palestine, a plan that was to be rejected by the British Cabinet
precisely at the beginning of November 1938.  While Jabotinsky's
"Revisionists" opposed this plan because they wanted all of Palestine
for a future Jewish state, the Peel Commission plan was seen by
moderate Zionists as meeting at least in part their claim to Palestine.
Would the British not give in, after all, if they saw, practically
before their eyes, how barbarously the Jews were treated in Germany?

     That it was the German Jews who would have to bear the
afflications of a pogrom must not have weighed too heavily on the
consciences of those who would be responsible for it.  Larger issues
were at stake.  Nahum Goldmann, for one, espoused the standpoint that
the interests of the Jews in Germany were to be subordinate to those of
world Jewry.  As far back as 1934, he had said, in a conversation with
Mussolini: "... our policy cannot be to relinquish the future just to
provide some small improvement for the present generation of Jews."^155

     For him, the future of the Jewish people lay in Palestine.
Securing their pretensions to this strip of land was in any case more
important to the Jewish people than the possible hardship and
oppression the Jews in Germany might have to bear.

     These reflections show that anti-Jewish outbursts in Germany were,
for their own purposes, gratifying to certain groups.  They all had the
same objective: to do harm to Germany; to overthrow the Reich
government; to destroy National Socialist Germany.

                    Concerns of the German Government

     There was one group who had no interest whatever in any kind of
disturbance but, quite to the contrary, had a vital interest in, and
took the strictest measures to assure, the prevalence of calm and order
in the Reich.  That group was, understandably, the German leadership.
The Reich Chancellor, Adolf Hitler, his Propaganda Minister, Dr. Joseph
Goebbels, and the Chief of German Police, Heinrich Himmler, would have
taken it as a personal affront if disorders had broken out in Germany;
they would have felt they had failed their responsibilities.

     The overriding interest of the German leadership did not lie in
fomenting anti-Jewish disturbances but in bringing about the inner
unity of the German people and to enhance respect for it abroad.  These
aims, clearly and incontestably evident in German policy in the years
of peace, seem today to have been expunged from public awareness.  The
measures taken against Jews in the Third Reich touched only their
exclusion from the spiritual community of the German people.

     The statment of that fact does not constitute a moral
justification of all the laws enacted at that time.  No one can be so
blind, or so pigheaded as to deny that many thousands of German Jews
were bitterly wronged by being forced to emigrate from Germany.
(Lamentably, neither is there any other state on the planet whose
policies, or politics, would pass moral muster.  Germany, i.e., the
"Federal Republic," is the first -- and is likely also to be the last
-- state in history to try earnestly to make amends, and has been doing
so by paying astronomical sums as "reparations" to millions of people
-- in their vast majority, Jews -- generation after generation.)
Moreover, the National Socialist anti-Jewish measures were entirely
legal, and were internationally so recognized.  The alien-incited,
artificially-contrived KRISTALLNACHT disturbances had nothing to do
with them.

     It is impossible to fathom why one of the most intelligent of the
NSDAP leaders, Dr. Joseph Goebbels, is put forth so insistently as the
author of the KRISTALLNACHT manifestations.  He never would have
stooped to such crude tactics, if only because he knew they would make
the Jews into martyrs.  If he had entertained any thought of staging
anti-Jewish demonstrations, he had other means for the purpose.  In
such an eventuality, the disturbances would not have touched a mere one
and a half percent, as was the case on November 9th/10th, 1938, but
practically the whole Jewish population.

     If Adolf Hitler, or Heinrich Himmler, or Dr. Goebbels really
wanted to provoke anti-Semitic incidents, would it not have been
incomprehensible if, immediately upon receiving word of the occurrence
of such incidents they should give strict orders that the
transgressions be suppressed at once?

     As soon as reports of disturbances in Hessia began to come in
during the reunion dinner in the Munich Old Town Hall, Goebbels --
after what may have been one of his typical emotional discharges -- had
his Gauleiter colleagues telephone their home offices to assure the
preservation of calm and order.

     The same held true for the Brownshirts.  Chief of Staff Lutze
ordered that under no circumstances were Brownshirts to be drawn into
anti-Jewish actions.  Where show windows had been smashed, Brownshirts
were to stand guard against looting.

     Adolf Hitler learned of the events after midnight, whereupon he
ordered that this "madness" be ended at once.

     Himmler telexed instructions to the SS and the police to provide
for the protection of the Jewish population.

     The "Deputy of the Fuehrer" (Rudolf Hess) at the same time
teletyped a directive to all regional administrations that no fires
were to be set anywhere, under any circumstances whatever.

     All these orders have been preserved; they are before us in
writing.

     Looters and other miscreants were pursued ruthlessly.

     How can these documented facts be reconciled with the thesis that
it was the German leaders who organized the happening in the first
place?  The thesis does not square with the facts; it is preposterous;
it cannot be reconciled.

     Far from having started the trouble, the German leaders' presence
of mind and quick reactions kept the mischief from becoming far more
dangerous and deadly.

     It was because Party leaders, SS, and police in many localities
calmed the people excited by the agitators and, where necessary, took
Jews into protective custody, that the disturbances were quelled
relatively quickly and graver consequences obviated.

     When dawn broke on November 10th, the spectre had vanished.
People came back to their senses.  Those who during the night had
seized the inviting opportunity to take things out of showcases, in
most instances took the things back spontaneously, not waiting for the
official call to do so, or surrendered them to the police.

     Dr. Goebbels' appeal to "desist at once from all demonstrations
and actions against Jews" did not fail of its effect and showed clearly
the attitude of the German government.

     The position of those elements in the National Socialist movement
who felt the Jews were a "disturbing element" in the "German spiritual
community" would seem to have been strengthened by the KRISTALLNACHT
events.  A Jew had murdered a German diplomat, which moved the German
population to react violently against its Jewish fellow-citizens.  That
was the official and generally accepted version.

     That the whole affair -- from the murder to the KRISTALLNACHT --
was one large-scale operation prearranged by anti-German elements
outside and inside the country does not seem to have been grasped by
anyone.

                    Efforts Toward Jewish Emigration

     One consequence of the KRISTALLNACHT in Germany was an
intensification of the effort to persuade the Jews to leave.  To that
end, Adolf Hitler assigned to Hermann Goering the task of consolidating
the work of various agencies that were engaged in various aspects of
Jewish emigration.  A "Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration" was
set up.  Its principal purpose was to counsel Jewish citizens who had
decided to emigrate, to give them the broadest possible support, and to
facilitate the completion of the necessary emigration formalities.

     An example of the special consideration accorded emigrating Jews
was exemption from payment of the "emigration tax," to which every
other German citizen who left the country to settle abroad was subject.
Their personal financial claims were upheld; pensions, retirement
payments, and other income, were to be remitted to them at their new
place of residence.

     At the German government's expense, with the technical help of the
SS, retraining centers were established where emigrating Jews could
learn a new craft or trade or agricultural technique that was expected
to ease their accommodation to a new country.

     The transfer abroad of their assets and their capital was handled
generously, not to say magnanimously -- a privilege not enjoyed by
other German emigrants for whom legal stipulations made it impossible
to take out their capital.  The Reich Central Office gave Jews without
sufficient resources the funds necessary for emigration.

     A "Reich Union of Jews in Germany" was operated as the Jewish
counterpart to the "Recih Central Office."  Its function was to advise
Jews on questions of emigration and to represent their interests vis-a-
vis the Reich Central Office.

     The connection between the Kristallnacht and the accelerated
promotion of Jewish emigration by setting up these two new
organizations was brought out explicitly in the first session of the
Reich Central Office for Jewish Emigration on February 11, 1939:

       After a brief review of the events of November 9/10, 1938 and
     the need for unified handling of Jewish emigration particularly
     after the KRISTALLNACHT, SS-Group Leader Heydrich set forth in
     detail the objective of the Reich Central Office and took first
     the Rublee Plan.  This plan... was to be the basis of an organized
     massive Jewish emigration.^156

           "Final Solution" Meant Emigration or Resettlement

     The aftermath of the "November pogrom," as the KRISTALLNACHT was
labelled by a hostile press, looked very different from what may have
been envisaged by its planners.  A final solution of the Jewish
question, a definitive solution of this problem, was now essayed.  The
attempt was frustrated by the unwillingness of other countries to
accept Jews as immigrants.  The way to Palestine did stand open, mainly
because of the Ha'avara Agreement, that made possible the entry of
every Jew and the transfer there of his capital.  But not every Jewish
citizen of Germany wanted to go to Palestine.  One of the biggest
problems -- and, in the end, an insoluble one -- of the Reich Central
Office, as well as the Reich Union of Jews -- was to find countries
willing to take in Jews.

     In the summer of 1940, Heydrich, as Director of the Reich Central
Office for Jewish Emigration, had to capitulate.  He writes von
Ribbentrop on June 24, 1940:

       In January, 1939 Field Marshall General Goering gave me the
responsibility for carrying out the emigration of the Jews from the
entire territory of the Reich.  Subsequently, despite great
difficulties, and in the face of the present hostilities, I had some
success in accomplishing Jewish emigration.  Since my agency took on
this assignment on January 1, 1939, more than 200,000 Jews have
emigrated from the territory of the Reich.  But now the problem as a
whole can no longer be solved by emigration.  Therefore, a territorial
final solution is needed.^157

     "A territorial final solution."  It is stated very distinctly.  A
new territory was to be set aside on which the Jews would be resettled.
That was the "final solution."  This word never had another meaning.

     For a time, the so-called "Madagascar Project" floated among the
plans for emigration.  In a peace treaty with France, the French island
of Madagascar was to be made available for settlement by Jews.
Obviously, the plan didn't go through.

     At the so-called "Wannsee Conference" in Berlin on January 20,
1942, "Project Madagascar" had been forgotten.  Instead, an "evacuation
of Jews to the East" was weighed.  However, it must be pointed out that
the dubious features of what one alleged to be the "minutes" of this
conference have not been cleared up to this day.^158

     Wilhelm Staeglich (author of _The Auschwitz Myth_) shows
convincingly that at least partial sections of these "minutes" were
inserted, omitted, or altered retroactively to suit the Nuremberg
tribunal, and the subsequent writing of history.^159

     At all events, the text of what we are told to believe are the
"minutes" of the Wannsee Conference does not even hint that the "final
solution" might mean anything other than emigration or evacuation.
That is supported unequivocally in a letter written after the
conference by Legation Counsel Rademacher of the Foreign Office to
Minister of Legation Bielfeld of the French desk at the Foreign Office
in which he relates the following:

       In August, 1940 I turned over to you for your files the plans
     worked out by my office for the final solution of the Jewish
     question for which the island of Madagascar was to be demanded of
     the French in a peace treaty.  The practical accomplishment of the
     task was to be assigned to the Reich Main Security Agency (RSHA).
     In accordance with this plan, the Fuehrer has given Group Leader
     Heydrich the responsibility for the solution of the Jewish
     question in Europe.  In the meanwhile, the war against the Soviet
     Union has provided the possibility of making other territories
     available for the final solution.  Accordingly, the Fuehrer has
     decided that the Jews will not be sent to Madagascar, but shall be
     deported to the east.  With this, Madagascar need no longer be
     considered for the final solution.^160

     Here again is the same clear definition of "final solution" as
definitive exclusion of the Jews from the European peoples; their
physical removal, and their resettlement in a restricted region in the
east.  This was neither "extermination" nor "genocide."

     The first large-scale plan for a full, or corporate, solution was
the Rublee-Wohlthat Agreement already discussed.  The conferences that
followed upon the KRISTALLNACHT also had that single purpose of seeking
out possibilities to further the emigration of the Jews.

     The KRISTALLNACHT, engineered by alien intriguers, proved to be a
catalyst that propelled the Jewish question into a forced evolution it
may not have reached if vom Rath had not been murdered and the anti-
Jewish incidents not been instigated.

     What the conspirators who planned the assassination and organized
the demonstrations intended -- to precipitate internal commotions in
Germany -- did not happen.  The REICHSKRISTALLNACHT -- however
insensately distorted and exaggerated after the war by the mass media
and the "opinion makers" -- was forgotten in a few days.

                              Chapter XXVI

                   *** KRISTALLNACHT Without End? ***

     The KRISTALLNACHT troubles the conscience of many Germans to this
day.  Not because they had any part in it, or approved of it, but
because nearly fifty years of purposeful propaganda have made them feel
that for having "tolerated" the occurrences the whole German nation is
"guilty."  "They heard and saw their neighbors' windows broken, and did
nothing about it.  They walked past the shattered glass in the street,
and saw the Jewish shop owners sweep it up, and still they failed to
rise in revolt, and to sabotage the 'Nazis'.  Their silence meant
approval or, at the very least, toleration of the wrong done their
Jewish fellow-citizens."  So goes the propaganda.

     Thus declaring a whole people "guilty" is the more infamous when
there is no evidence whatever that the transgressions were either
planned or perpetrated by the National Socialist leadership.  This book
presents evidence that opponents of National Socialist Germany arranged
the murder of vom Rath and dispatched provocateurs to incite the big-
city rabble to aggression against Jews.  The identities of the men
behind this is, officially, still unknown.

     Words have monstrous power.  Before the twentieth century there
was no known period in history in which words out of context and
outright lies were brought to bear so massively and so remorselessly on
the moral destruction of a people.

     So long as there exists a special group of people, uniquely
obsessed with an insatiable craving for revenge of wrongs, real or
imaginary, recent or long past; so long as these people are in a
position, by their manipulation of the media of mass communication, to
continue to spread lies and hate about the world, a harmonious
coexistence of peoples is impossible.

     Some have discerned the lessening effect and the ultimate futility
of these tactics.  They complain that the Germans "don't want to
acknowledge their past"; that they are "reluctant to confess" the
misdeeds for which an ongoing hate campaign has been reproaching them
daily for decades.  Those people probably have a foreboding that, as
the years pass, even their lies will wear out.

     It is a truism that historical truth cannot be suppressed forever.
The historical truth of our century includes two terrible wars in which
all participants share guilt in whatever degree.

     Charging just one of the participants, Germany, with the whole
primordial guilt is historically, and morally, perverse.  It is blatant
hypocrisy and in a very real sense "a crime against humanity."  The
Germans are portrayed as uncivilized barbarians and murderous fiends.
No crime in history, or in pre-history, could have been so horrible as
the "genocide" assertedly practiced on the Jews by the "Nazis."  That
Germany grieves for ten million dead in a war that was forced on her is
passed over.  The fact that the war's killing machine, once set in
motion, ground up Germans just as it did other peoples does not seem to
be acknowledged by Germany's enemies.

     It is an enduring tragedy that in the meanwhile two new
generations of Germans have been inoculated with falsehood.  The
history taught them is falsified.  It has been distorted so
grotesquely, and so diabolically, that countless thousands of young
Germans, and very many not young, succumbed to the peculiarly
loathesome lie, among others hammered into them relentlessly by the
"re-educators," that their parents and their grandparents, their
relatives and their friends of a generation or two back, must have been
beasts.  Innumerable victims of this "re-education" were infected so
badly that they now spread themselves this spiritual pestilence.

     All who have not lost their sense of proportion under the
influence of the anti-German hate campaign that has been going on,
with fluctuating intensity, since 1914, know that the Germans are the
main bearers of European culture and science; that without Germany
there is no Europe.  As with every other nation, so the Germans have
the right to have their history accepted and respected.  The time is
long overdue for putting an end to arbitrary, indiscriminate, one-sided
denunciations of "Nazi crimes" -- especially since "the Nazis"
committed no more, nor worse crimes than did others, and rather fewer
than some.  The pretense that a certain epoch of German history
consisted only of barbarism, organized criminality, and inhumanity
should have been dropped long ago.

     Above all, it is time to stop acting as though it were
acknowledged fact that there is only one people who suffer all the evil
that happens in the world -- that the sufferings (actual or asserted)
of these special people transcend, in depth and in pain, the combined
sufferings of all other peoples -- that all the world's agony since
time began counts as nothing compared to what the Jews endured at the
hands of "the Nazis."

     For a people that demands special privileges, that insists on
priority of place -- and be it only the priority of suffering --
integration into the community of peoples is impossible.

     The Jews of Germany and of Europe suffered no more in the war than
did the inhabitants of other European states.  They were no more the
victims of planned genocide than were other peoples (and decidedly less
so than were the Germans and the Japanese).  Their fate was not an
extraordinary one, and their pretension to a preferential place among
the nations is supported by nothing.

     Only when the Germans become conscious once more of their own
worth, when they cease in cowardly fashion to give in to the Jews'
incessant extortionate demands; when they rise from the breast-beating
mea culpa posture into which they were forced in 1945, will a natural
relationship among the free peoples be possible.

     Tremendous changes, affecting the lives of all peoples, began to
make themselves felt very early in this century.  For one, the progress
of nuclear science sooner or later, but inevitably, will confront us
with problems that at this time are unimaginable.  We can meet this
future best -- or only -- if people are resolved to work with, not
against, one another.


                            About the Author

     At the end of the Second World War, Ingrid Weckert was a teenager
in devastated Berlin.  After GYMNASIUM graduation, she studied
theology, including Judaic studies, in Switzerland.  Familiar with both
English and Hebrew, she deepened her understanding of Jewish history
during several stays in Israel.  Weckert is a librarian by profession,
but in recent years has devoted her time to historical research and
writing.  She lives in Munich.

-----


-Dan Gannon

-- 
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